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PROCEEDINGS Xfi£# 




OF THE 



New-jeRseY-socieTY 



OF THE SONS OF THE 

fl 



•••j^MeEICftN • J^gVOLUTION! 



FROM ITS FOUNDATION IN 1889 TO 1893. 



DEDICATED, WITH GRATEFUL APPRECIATION OF THE MANY 

KINDNESSES RECEIVED FROM THEM, TO THE 

MEMBERS OF THE NEW JERSEY 

SOCIETY OF THE 

S. A. R., 

BY 



Sloftn Wijttdjeati, 

; 

THE COMPILER AND EDITOR. 



. N4-5" 



BANNER" STEAM PRINT r 
Morristown, N. J. 
1893. 



13 9 1M 



CONTENTS. 



Officers of National Society, 
Constitution of National Society, 
Founders of New Jersey Society, 
Officers of New Jersey Society — 
Elected April 30th, 1889, 
" Dec. 26th, 1889, 
" " 1890, 

" " 1891, 

1892,. .. 
Constitution of New Jersey Society, 
By-Laws of New Jersey Society, 

CELEBEATIONS, &c, AND SPEAKERS 
Battle of Red Bank, 

Hon. Samuel F. Bigelow, 
John J. Hubbell, 
Josiah Collins Pumpelly. 
Hon. L. P. Deming, 
William L. King, 
Battle of Trenton, . 

Hon. Robert Stockton Green, 
Hon. John Whitehead, 
Greetings from Sister Societies, 
Rev. H. Goodwin Smith, 
Hon. Flavel McGee, 



vn 

ix 

xvii 

xix 
xx 

xxi 

xxii 
xxiii 

xxv 
xxix 

1 

a 

5 
11 

16 

20 

2a 

25 

27 
41 
44 
49 



IV 



Mr. Theodore W. Morris, 


55 


Hon. Clifford Stanley Sims, . 


60 


Dr. C. S. Stockton, ' . 


65 


Battle op Springfield, 


71 


Josiah Collins Pumpelly, 


73 


Eev. W. S. Crowe, D. D., 


76 


Rev. H. Goodwin Smith, 


88 


Rev. H. C. Stinson, 


90 


In Memoriam, Peter Vanderbilt Spader, 99 


Battle of Princeton, 


105 


Josiah Collins Pumpelly,, 


107 


Hon. Lucius P. Deming, 


111 


A. Q. Kea^bey, . 


115 


Hon. A. W. Cutler, . 


125 


A. D. Mellick, Jr., 


130 


Battle of Monmouth, 


137 


Hon. John Whitehead, 


142 


Hon. J. S. Applegate, . 


149 


Hon. Robert S. Green, 


153 


Hon. John Whitehead, 


161 


Josiah Collins Pumpelly, 


165 


Gen. William S. Stryker (letter), 


174 


Rev. Frank R. Symmes, 


176 


Dr. E. Hammond Doty, 


180 


Rev. Henry G. Smith, . 


182 


Hon. William T. Hoffman, 


185 


Trenton Battle Monument, 




Corner-Stone Laying, 


190 


Washington's Birth-Day, . 


195 


Poem, .... 


199 


Hon. John Whitehead, 


203 


Rev. Lyman Whitney Allen, . 


209 


Annual Meeting, Dec. 26th, 1892, 


229 


Hon. John Whitehead, 


229 


Hon. Franklin Murphy, 


237 


Josiah Collins Pumpelly, 


243 



Gen. James F. Rusling, 

Rev. Lyman Whitney Allen, 

Gen. Bradley T. Johnson, 

Poem (Miss Sarah M. Davy), . 

Statement, (Hon. John Whitehead) 
Causes of failure of union, . 
Fourth op July, 1893, at Elizabeth, N. 

Hon. W. H. Corbin, . 

Hon. Chas. H. Winfield, 
Presentation of Badge. 

Gen. James F. Rusling 

Hon. John Whitehead 

List of Members, 
In Memoriam, . 

Deceased Members, 



247 

258 
266-270 

277 

279 

J., 289 
289 
292 
309 
309 
312 
315 
383 
383 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



PAGE. 

Washington Crossing the Delaware, Frontisp'e. 
Portraits of Presidents of N. J. Society, xvii 
Seal of the Society, 
"Minute Man" of 1776, 
Surrender of Col. Rall at Trenton, 
Death of Gen. Mercer at Princeton, 
Moll Pitcher at Monmouth, 
Trenton Battle Monument, 
Portraits of Gen. and Martha Washing 
ton, and Headquarters, 



xxv 
1 

25 
105 
137 
193 

195 



OFFICERS 



Of the National Society of the Sons of the 

American Revolution, Elected at Chicago 

June 1 6th, 1893. 



President-General : 
Gen. Horace Porter, of New York. 

Vice-Presidents-General : 
Hon. Chauncey M. Depew, New York ; 
Hon. Henry M. Shephard, Illinois ; 
Col. Thomas M. Anderson, U. S. A., Oregon — 

Washington ; 
Col. J. C. Breckenridge, U. S. A., District of 

Columbia ; 

Hon. Henry C. Robinson, Connecticut. 

Secretary -General : 

Hon. Franklin Murphy, New Jersey. 

Treasurer-General : 

Charles W. Haskins, New York. 

Historian-General : 

Henry Hall, New York. 

Chaplain- General : 

Rt. Rev. Charles E. Cheney, Illinois. 




CONSTITUTION 

OF THE 

National Society of the Sons of the 
American Revolution. 

ARTICLE I. 
name. 
The name of this Society shall be "The Sons 
of the American Revolution." 

ARTICLE II. 
objects. 
The objects of this Society shall be to perpetu- 
ate the memory of the men, who, by their services 
or sacrifices during the war of the American Revo- 
lution, achieved the Independence of the American 
people ; to unite and promote fellowship among 
their descendants ; to inspire them and the com- 
munity at large with a more profound reverence 
for the principles of the government founded by 
our forefathers ; to encourage historical research in 
relation to the American Revolution ; to acquire 
and preserve the records of the individual services 
of the patriots of the War, as well as documents, 
relics and landmarks ; to mark the scenes of the 
Revolution by appropriate memorials ; to celebrate 
the anniversaries of the prominent events of the 
War ; to foster true patriotism ; to maintain and 
extend the institutions of American freedom ; and 



to carry on the purposes expressed in the Preamble 
to the Constitution of our Country and the injunc- 
tions of Washington in his farewell address to the 
American people. 

ARTICLE III. 

MEMBERSHIP. 

Section 1. Any man shall be eligible to mem- 
bership in this Society, who, being of the age of 
twenty-one years or over, and a citizen of good re- 
pute in the community, is the lineal descendant of 
an ancestor, who was at all times unfailing in his 
loyalty to, and rendered actual service in, the cause 
of American Independence, either as an officer, 
soldier, seaman, marine, militiaman or minute 
man, in the armed forces of the Continental Con- 
gress or of any one of the several Colonies or 
States ; or as a Signer of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence ; or as a member of a Committee of 
Safety or Correspondence ; or as a member of any 
Continental, Provincial, or Colonial Congress or 
Legislature ; or as a civil officer, either of one of 
the Colonies or States or of the national govern- 
ment ; or as a recognized patriot who performed 
actual service by overt acts of resistance to the 
authority of Great Britain. 

Section 2. Applications for membership shall 
be made to any State Society, in duplicate, upon 
blank forms prescribed by the General Board of 
Managers, and shall in each case set forth the 
name, occupation and residence of the applicant, 
his line of descent, and the name, residence and 
services of his ancestor or ancestors in the Revolu- 
tion, from whom he derives eligibility. The appli- 
cant shall make oath that the statements of his 
application are true, to the best of his knowledge 
and belief. Upon the approval of an application 
by the State Society, to which it is made, one copy 



XI 



shall be transmitted to the Registrar General of the 
National Society, who shall examine further the 
eligibility of the applicant. If satisfied that the 
member is not eligible, he shall return the applica- 
tion for correction. No election of a new member 
shall be valid, unless his eligibility shall be approved 
by the Registrar General. 

Section 3. A State Society may provide for 
life memberships by the payment into its treasury 
of a sum, in commutation of annual dues, not less 
than fifty dollars. 

Section 4. The official designation of the mem- 
bers of the Society of the Sons of the American 
Revolution shall be " Compatriots." 
ARTICLE IV. 

NATIONAL AND STATE SOCIETIES. 

Section 1. The National Society shall em- 
brace all the members of the State Societies of the 
Sons of the American Revolution, now existing or 
which may hereafter be established under this Con- 
stitution. 

Section 2. Whenever in any State or Terri- 
tory, in which a State Society does not exist, or in 
which a State Society has become inactive or failed 
for two years to pay its annual dues to the National 
Society, fifteen or more persons duly qualified for 
membership in this Society may associate them- 
selves as a State Society of the Sons of the Ameri- 
can Revolution, and organize in accordance with 
this Constitution ; they may be admitted by the 
General Board of Managers of the National Society 

as "The Society of the Sons of the American 

Revolution," and shall thereafter have exclusive 
local jurisdiction in the State or Territory or in 
the District in which thev are organized, subject 
to the provisions of this Constitution ; but this pro- 



Xll 



vision shall not be construed so as to exclude the 
admission of members living in other States. 

Section 3. Each State Society shall judge of 
the qualifications of its members and of those pro- 
posed for membership, subject to the provisions of 
this Constitution, and shall regulate all matters 
pertaining to its own affairs. It shall have author- 
ity to establish local chapters within its own juris- 
diction and to endow the chapters with such power 
as it may deem proper, not inconsistent with this 
Constitution. It shall have authority, after due 
notice and impartial trial, to expel any member, 
who, by conduct unbecoming a gentleman, shall 
render himself unworthy to remain a member of 
the Society. 

Section 4. Each State Society shall submit to 
the Annual Congress of the National Society a re- 
port, setting forth by name the additions, transfers 
and deaths, and any other changes in the member- 
ship and progress of the State Society during the 
preceding year, and make such suggestions, as it 
shall deem proper, for the promotion of the objects 
of the whole order. 

Section 5. Whenever a member, in good stand- 
ing in his Society, changes his residence from the 
jurisdiction of the State Society of which he is a 
member, to that of another, he shall be entitled, 
if he so elects, to a certificate of honorable de- 
mission from his own State Society, in order that 
he may be transferred to the State Society to whose 
jurisdiction he has changed his residence ; provid- 
ed, that his membership shall continue in the 
former until he shall have been elected a member 
of the latter. Each State Society shall, however, 
retain full control of the admission of members by 
transfer. 

Section 6. Wherever the word "State" occurs 



Xlll 



in this Constitution, it shall be held to include 
within its meaning the District of Columbia and 
the Territories of the United States. 
ARTICLE V. 

OFFICERS AND MANAGERS. 

Section 1. The General Officers of the Na- 
tioDal Society shall be a President General, five 
Vice Presidents General, a Secretary General, 
Treasurer General, Registrar General, Historian 
General, and Chaplain General, who shall be elected 
by ballot by a vote of the majority of the members 
present at the annual meeting of the Congress of 
the National Society and shall hold office for one 
year and until their successors shall be elected. 

Section 2. The General Officers, together with 
the Presidents of the State Societies ex-officto, shall 
constitute the General Board of Managers of the 
National Society, which Board shall have authority 
to adopt and promulgate the By-Laws of the Na- 
tional Society, to prescribe the duties of the Gen- 
eral Officers, to provide the seal, to designate and 
make regulations for the issue of the insignia, and 
to transact the general business of the National So- 
ciety during the intervals between the sessions of 
the Congress. Meetings of the General Board may 
be held, after not less than ten days' notice, at the 
call of the President General, or, in case of his ab- 
sence or inability, at the call of the Senior Vice- 
President General, certified by the Secretary Gene- 
ral. Meetings shall be called at the request of 
seven members. At all such meetings, seven shall 
constitute a quorum. 

Section 3. An Executive Committee of seven, 
of whom the President General shall be the Chair- 
man, may be elected by the Board of Managers, 
which Committee shall, in the interim between 



XIV 



the meetings of the Board, transact such business 
as shall be delegated to it by the Board of Mana- 
gers. 

ARTICLE VI. 

DUES. 

Each State Society shall pay annually to the 
Treasurer General, to defray the expenses of the 
National Society, fifty cents for each active mem- 
ber thereof, unless intermitted by the National Con- 
gress. All such dues shall be paid on or before the 
first day of April in each year for the ensuing year, 
in order to secure representation in the Congress 
of the National Society. 

ARTICLE VII. 

MEETINGS AND ELECTIONS. 

Section 1. The annual Congress of the Na- 
tional Society for the election of the General Offi- 
cers and for the transaction of business, shall be 
held on the 30th day of April, or on the 1st day of 
May, in every year. The time, hour and place of 
such meeting shall be designated by the Board of 
Managers. 

Section 2. Special meetings of the Congress 
may be called by the President General, and shall 
be called by him when directed so to do by the 
Board of Managers, or whenever requested in wri- 
ting so to do by at least five State Societies, on giv- 
ing thirty days' notice, specifying the time and 
place of such meetings and the business to be trans- 
acted. 

Section 3. The following shall be members of 
all such annual or special meetings of the Congress 
and shall be entitled to vote therein : 

(1.) All the officers and the ex-Presidents 
General of the National Society. 



XV 



(2.) The President and Senior Vice-President 
of each State Society. 

(3.) One delegate at large from each State So- 
ciety. 

(4.) One delegate for every one hundred mem- 
bers of the Society within a State and for a frac- 
tion of fifty or over. 

ARTICLE VIII. 

AMENDMENTS. 

This Constitution may be altered or amended 
at any meeting of the Congress of the National So- 
ciety, provided that sixty days' notice of the pro- 
posed alterations or amendments, which shall first 
have been recommended by a State Society, shall 
be sent by the Secretary General to the President 
of each State Society. A vote of two -thirds of 
those present shall be necessary to their adoption. 







PRESIDENTS OF THE SOCIETY 



Founders of the New Jersey Society 
of the S. A. R. 



Josiah Collins Pumpelly, Morristown. 

William Osborne McDowell, Newark. 

Paul Revere, Morristown. 

George Blight Halsted, Elizabeth. 

Benjamin Myer, Newark. 

Charles Edward McDowell, BloomfieldL 



XIX 



OFFICERS ELECTED APRIL 30, 1889, 
To Serve Until December 26, 1889. 



President : 

*Gen. William S. Stryker, Trenton. 

Vice-President : 

Benjamin Myer, Newark. 

Secretary : 

Josiah Collins Pumpelly, Morristown. 

Treasurer : 

Paul Revere, Morristown. 

Registrar : 

John Lawrence Boggs, Jr., Newark, 

Chaplain : 

Rev. Henry Goodwin Smith, Freehold. 

Board of Managers : 
Hon. Robert Stockton Green, Elizabeth. 
William Osborne McDowell, Newark. 
Gen. William S. Stryker, Trenton. 
Paul Revere, Morristown. 
John Lawrence Boggs, Jr., Newark. 
Benjamin Myer, Newark. 
Hon. Andrew Kirkpatrick, Newark. 
John Jackson Hubbell, Newark. 
Peter Beach Fairchild, Orange. 
Joseph Tucker Crowell, Rahway. 
Frederick Parker, Freehold. 



*Gen. Stryker resigned May 15, 1889, and Hon. Robert Stockton 
Green, of Elizabeth, Governor of New Jersey, was elected to fill the va- 
cancy. 



XX 



OFFICERS ELECTED DEC. 26, 1889. 

President : 

Josiah Collins Pumpelly, Morristown. 

First Vice-President : 

Gen. William S. Stryker, Trenton. 

Second Vice-President : 

Frederick Parker, Freehold. 

Secretary : 

John Lawrence Boggs, Jr. , Newark. 

Treasurer ; 

Paul Revere, Morristown. 

Registrar : 

Hon. John Whitehead, Morristown. 

Historian : 

Henry Rutgers Cannon, M. D., Elizabeth. 

Chaplain : 

Rev. Henry Goodwin Smith, Freehold. 

Managers : 
Josiah Collins Pumpelly, Morristown. 
Gen. William S. Scudder, Trenton. 
Frederick Parker, Freehold. 
John Lawrence Boggs, Jr., Newark. 
Paul Revere, Morristown. 
Hon. John Whitehead, Morristown. 
Henry Rutgers Cannon, M. D., Elizabeth. 
Theodore Wilson Morris, Freehold. 
William Osborne McDowell, Newark. 
Peter Beach Fairchild, Orange. 
William Wallace Morris, Newark. 
Hon. J. Clarence Conover, Freehold. 
Eugene Stillman Davis, Trenton. 
Committee on Admissions: 
Gen. William S. Stryker, Trenton. 
Hon. John Whitehead, Morristown. 
John Lawrence Boggs, Jr., Newark. 



XXI 



OFFICERS ELECTED DEC. 26, 1890. 

President : 
Hon. John Whitehead, Morristown. 
Vice-President : 
Frederick Parker, Freehold. 
Secretary : 
John Lawrence Boggs, Jr., Newark. 
Treasurer : 
Paul Revere, Morristown. 
Registrar : 
John Jackson Hubbell, Newark. 
Historian : 
Andrew D. Mellick, Jr., Plainfield. 
Chaplain : 
Rev. Henry Goodwin Smith, Freehold. 

Managers : 
Gen. William S. Stryker, Trenton. 
Theodore Wilson Morris, Freehold. 
Henry Rutgers Cannon, M. D., Elizabeth. 
Benjamin Myer, Newark. 
Capt. Ambrose Meeker Matthews, Orange. 
Peter Beach Fairchild, Orange. 
Hon. James Clarence Conover, Freehold. 
Hon. Augustus W. Cutler, Morristown, 
Henry Elias Hatfield, Newark. 
William Wallace Morris, Newark. 
Committee on Admissions : 
Gen. William S. Stryker, Trenton. 
John Jackson Hubbell, Newark. 
John Lawrence Boggs, Jr., Newark. 

Andrew D. Mellick, Jr., Plainfield, 
Secretary of Committee. 



XX11 

OFFICERS ELECTED DEC. 26, 1891. 

President : 

Hon. John Whitehead, Morristown. 

Vice-President : 

Frederick Parker, Freehold. 

Secretary : 

*John Lawrence Boggs, Jr., Newark. 

Treasurer : 

Paul Revere, Morristown. 

Registrar : 

John Jackson Hubbell, Newark. 

Historian : 

Andrew D. Mellick, Jr., Plainfield. 

Chaplain : 

Eev. Henry Goodwin Smith, Freehold. 

Managers : 
Gen. William S. Stryker, Trenton. 
Gen. James F. Rusling, Trenton. 
Hon. Franklin Murphy, Newark. 
Capt. Joseph G. Ogden, Elizabeth. 
Julian Scott, Plainfield. 
George Benjamin Jaques, ManasquaD. 
Josiah Collins Pumpelly, Morristown. 
James S. Yard, Trenton. 
John Nicol Lindsley, Orange. 
Erastus G. Putnam, Elizabeth. 

Committee on Admissions : 
Gen. William S. Stryker, Trenton. 
John Jackson Hubbell, Newark. 
John Lawrence Boggs, Jr., Newark. 

Andrew D. Mellick, Jr., Plainfield, 

Secretary of Committee. 



^Resigned March 30, 1892, and was succeeded by Henry Elias Hat- 
field, Newark. 



XX111 



•OFFICERS ELECTED DEC. 26, 1892. 

President : 
Hon. John Whitehead, Morristown. 

Vice-President : 

Theodore Wilson Morris. Freehold. 

Secretary : 

Henry Elias Hatfield, Newark. 

Treasurer : 

Paul Revere, Morristown. 

Registrar : 

John Jackson Hubbell, Newark. 

Historian : 

Andrew D. Mellick, Jr., Plainfield. 

Chaplain : 
Rev. Franklin E. Miller, Paterson. 
Managers : 
Hon. Franklin Murphy, Newark. 
Gen. William S. Stryker, Trenton, 
Gen. James F. Rusling, Trenton. 
Walter S. Nichols, Newark. 
Henry L. Janeway, New Brunswick. 
George Benjamin Jaques, Manasquan. 
Moses M. Crane, Elizabeth. 
James Brown Burnet, M. D., Newark. 
Ernest E. Coe, Newark. 
Peter Beach Fairchild, Orange. 

Committee on Admissions : 
General William S. Stryker, Trenton. 
John Jackson Hubbell, Newark. 
Henry Elias Hatfield, Newark. 

Andrew D. Mellick, Jr., Plainfield, 

Secretary of Committee. 



CONSTITUTION 

AND 

BY-LAWS. 



CONSTITUTION. 



ARTICLE I. 

NAME. 

The name of this Society shall be " The New 
Jersey Society of the Sons of the American Rev- 
olution." 

ARTICLE II. 

OBJECT. 

The purposes of the Society are to keep alive 
among ourselves and our descendants, and in the 
community, the patriotic spirit of the men who 
achieved American independence ; to collect and 
secure for preservation the manuscript rolls, rec- 
ords, and other documents relating to the War of 
the Revolution ; and to promote social intercourse 
and fellowship among its members. 



XXVI 

ARTICLE III. 

MEMBERSHIP. 

Any person shall be eligible to membership who 
is a male above the age of twenty-one (21) years, 
and is descended from an ancestor who assisted in 
establishing American independence, during the 
War of the Eevolution, in any one of the following 
capacities : 

1. A military or naval officer. 

2. A soldier, sailor, or marine. 

3. A member of a Committee of Correspon- 
dence, or Council of Safety, or other similar body. 

4. A member of a Provincial, or of the Conti- 
nental Congress. 

5. An officer in the service of one of the origi- 
nal Colonies or States, or of the National Govern- 
ment representing or composed of these Colonies or 
States. Provided, that such service was of so im- 
portant a character as to render the official special- 
ly liable to arrest and punishment by the British 
Government. 

6. Any recognized patriot actually arrested and 
punished for giving aid and comfort to the patriotic 
cause. Provided, that if such ancestor, having as- 
sisted in establishing American independence in 
any of the above capacities, either adhered to the 
enemy or failed to maintain an honorable record 
throughout the War of the Revolution, his pre- 
vious service shall not entitle his descendants to 
membership in this Society. And provided further, 
that no person shall be admitted to membership 
unless at least one member of the Society, or some 
well-known citizen of New Jersey, shall state in 
writing his belief that the applicant for admission 
is of good moral character, and would be a worthy 
member of the Society. 



xxvu 
ARTICLE IV. 

OFFICERS. 

1. The Officers of the Society shall be a Presi- 
dent, a Vice-President, a Secretary, a Treasurer and 
a Registrar, who, with ten other members, shall 
constitute a Board of Managers. 

2. The Officers and Managers, and Delegates 
to the National Society shall be elected by a vote 
of the majority of the members present at the an- 
nual meetings of the Society, and shall hold office 
for one year, or until their successors are elected. 

3. The Board of Managers shall fill any vacancy 
occurring among the Officers of the Society, or the 
members of the Board, or the Delegates to the Na- 
tional Society. 

4. In addition to the Officers above provided 
for, the Board of Managers may, from time to time, 
appoint a Chaplain, a Historian, and such subordi- 
nate officers as they may deem necessary, who 
shall hold office until the annual meeting next suc- 
ceeding their appointment. 

ARTICLE V. 

MEETINGS. 

1. The annual meeting shall be held on the 26th 
day of December, the anniversary of the battle of 
Trenton, in every year, except when that date 
shall fall on Sunday or Monday, in which case the 
meeting shall be held on the Tuesday immediately 
following. 

2. The hour and place of meeting shall be des- 
ignated by the Board of Managers. 

'6. Special meetings may be called by the Presi- 
dent, or Board of Managers, at any time. The 
President shall call a special meeting whenever re- 
quested in writing so to do by five or more mem- 
bers. 



xxvm 

4. Ten members shall constitute a quorum at 
all meetings. 

5. General business may be transacted at any 
special meeting. 

ARTICLE VI. 

AMENDMENTS. 

Amendments to this Constitution may be of- 
fered to any meeting of the Society, but shall not 
be acted on until the next meeting. A copy of 
every proposed amendment shall be sent to each 
member, with a notice of the meeting at which the 
same is to be acted on, at least one week prior to 
said meeting. 

A vote of two- thirds of those present shall be 
necessary to its adoption. 



BY-LAW S. 



SECTION I. 

ELECTION OF MEMBERS. 

1. The names and proofs of qualification of 
candidates for membership shall be sent to the Sec- 
retary. They shall be referred by him to a com- 
mittee on membership, consisting of three mem- 
bers of the Society to be appointed by the Presi- 
dent. This committee shall report, as soon as prac- 
ticable, to the Board of Managers, on the qualifica- 
tions and character of candidates. A vote of two- 
thirds of the Managers present at any meeting of 
the Board shall be necessary to the election of a 
member. 

2. The amount of the initiation fee shall, in all 
cases, accompany the application for membership. 
If the application be rejected, the amount of the 
initiation fee shall be returned to the applicant. 
No member shall be elected unless the initiation fee 
be first paid. 

3. The Board of Managers shall have power to 
suspend or expel any member of the Society, for 
sufficient cause, by a vote of two-thirds of all the 
members of the Board. Provided, that at least two 
weeks' notice of such proposed action shall have 
been given to such member. A member so suspen- 



XXX 



ded or expelled shall have the right to appeal to a 
meeting of the Society from the action of the Board 
of Managers. 

SECTION II. 

INITIATION FEE AND DUES. 

1. The initiation fee shall be five ($5) dollars ; 
the annual dues three ($3) dollars ; or the payment 
at one time of fifty ($50) dollars shall constitute a 
life member, with exemption from payment of dues 
thereafter. 

2. The annual dues shall be payable on the 
first day of April in each year. 

3. Persons becoming members during the 
months of January, February, and March, in each 
year, shall not be liable for payment of dues for the 
preceding year. 

4. A member who shall remain in arrears for 
dues for three months after notice of his indebted- 
ness has been sent him, may be dropped from the 
rolls by the Board of Managers. 

5. The initiation fees and all payments for life 
membership shall be used by the Board of Mana- 
gers for the purpose of publishing such documents 
as they may deem advisable, or for such special 
purposes as may be ordered by a vote of two-thirds 
of the Board. 

SECTION III. 

THE PRESIDENT. 

The President, or in his absence the Vice-Pres- 
ident, or in his absence a Chairman pro tempore, 
shall preside at all meetings of the Society and 
Board of Managers, and shall have a casting vote. 
He shall exercise the usual functions of a presiding 
officer, and shall enforce a strict observance of the 
Constitution and By-Laws, and regulations and 
rules of the Society and Board of Managers. 



XXXI 

SECTION IV. 

THE SECRETARY. 

The Secretary shall conduct the general cor- 
respondence of the Society. He shall notify all 
members of their election, and of such other mat- 
ters as may be directed by the Society or Board of 
Managers. He shall have charge of the seal, cer- 
tificate of incorporation and records, and, together 
with the presiding officer, shall certify all acts of 
the Society. He shall, under the direction of the 
President, or Board of Managers, give due notice 
of the time and place of all meetings of the Society 
and Board of Managers. He shall keep a record of 
all the proceedings and orders of the Society and 
Board of Managers, and shall give notice to the 
several officers of all votes, orders and proceedings 
affecting them or appertaining to their respective 
duties. 

SECTION V. 

THE TREASURER. 

The Treasurer shall collect and keep the funds 
and securities of the Society. All moneys shall be 
deposited in some bank or savings' institution in 
this State, to the credit of the "New Jersey So- 
ciety of the Sons of the American Eevolution," and 
shall be drawn on the check of the Treasurer for 
the purposes of the Society only. Out of these 
funds he shall pay such sums as may be ordered by 
the Society, or by the Board of Managers ; he shall 
keep a true account of his receipts and payments, 
and at each annual meeting render the same to 
the Society, when a committee shall be appointed 
to audit his accounts. He shall make a report to 
the Board of Managers whenever called upon to do 
so. 



XXX11 

SECTION VI. 

THE REGISTRAR. 

The Registrar shall keep a roll of members, 
and in his hands shall be lodged all the proofs of 
qualification for membership, and all the historical 
and genealogical papers of which the Society may 
become possessed. Under the direction of the 
Board of Managers he shall keep in a suitable book, 
copies of such documents as the owners thereof 
may not be willing to leave in the keeping of the 
Society. 

SECTION VII. 

BOARD OF MANAGERS. 

The Board of Managers shall have the general 
superintendence of the interests and business of 
the Society ; they shall perform such duties as may 
be committed to them by the Society ; they shall 
have power to make such rules and regulations, 
not inconsistent with the Constitution, By-Laws 
and Resolutions of the Society, as may be necessary 
for their own management and the government of 
the Society. At each annual meeting they shall 
make a general report. Five members shall con- 
stitute a quorum at all meetings of the Board. 

SECTION VIII. 

AMENDMENTS. 

Amendments to these By-Laws may be made 
at any meeting of the Society by a vote of a ma- 
jority of the members present. Provided, that a 
notice of the meeting and a copy of the proposed 
amendment shall be sent to every member at least 
one week prior to such meeting. 



New-jeRseY-sociexY 



OF THE SONS OF THE 



•:^\M€RICftN • J^gVOLUTION.:- 



Celebration of the 112th Anniversary of the 

Battle of Red Bank, New Jersey, 

fought October 22nd, 1777. 



October 22nd, 1889. 

NEWARK, N. J. 



BATTLE OF RED BANK. 



The New Jersey Society of the Sons of the 
American Revolution met October 22, 1889, to cele- 
brate the 112th anniversary of the Battle of Red 
Bank, fought October 22, 1777. 

Hon. Samuel F. Bigelow presided in the ab- 
sence of the President, Hon. Robert S. Green, Gov- 
ernor of New Jersey. 

Before announcing the regular toasts the chair- 
man spoke substantially as follows : 

It was the desire of the Society to celebrate the 
battle of Red Bank at some place contiguous to 
where it was fought ; but the field being far from 
the general routes of travel, and the season incon- 
venient for many members to remain away from 
their homes, it was decided to select Newark as the 
place of meeting. 

And aside from this question of convenience, I 
know of no locality, other than the battle field, 
where the celebration could be made with greater 
propriety. The muster rolls of the New Jersey 
troops show that Essex county men were not lag- 
gards in the war. From one church parish of that 
county went forth, besides common soldiers, 200 



commissioned officers, to fight for independence, 
and it is reasonable to believe, from the intensity of 
patriotic ardor that prevailed, that all the men in 
the county, except a few skulking tories, were en- 
listed in one way or another in the patriot cause. 

Excepting at Springfield the county was not 
the scene of a pitched battle between contending 
armies regularly organized, but for seven long years 
it was the theatre of harassing and devastating 
predatory strife, and within the memory of living 
men the blighting, withering effects of the war were 
felt in many broken and impoverished families. 

We will listen with pleasure to-night to a critical 
sketch of a battle about which little has been pub- 
lished. It is hoped and believed this sketch will be 
followed by other notices of revolutionary incidents 
in our own State equally interesting. To perpetu- 
ate the history of "The Times That Tried Men's 
Souls " is one of the objects of this Society, and in 
perpetuating this memory, we bring in relief men 
of such majestic proportions that they have been 
the prototypes of all the world's heroes since their 
times. Let us illustrate lessons of patriotism by in- 
cidents from their lives. Let us familiarize our 
youth with their examples of unselfish patriotism 
that they may be strengthened always to subordi- 
nate their personal interests to the welfare of the 
State. 

The time is opportune for the work, as well as 
its execution becoming. We are passing through, 
indeed, I hope we have passed through, a period 
when it has been fashionable to be un-American, to 
be English, to be a snob ; when brusqueness, coarse- 
ness, and incivility in intercourse have marked a 
departure from the kindly, dignified, gentle man- 
ners of our ancestors. Indeed, there are a few who 
are weary of our republican forms ; they would 
have about them the pomp and circumstances of 



monarchy, the dazzle and the glitter and the au- 
tocracy. If our Society can do something to pro- 
mote American pride, to foster the sentiment that 
American ancestors, American traditions, Ameri^ 
can customs, American institutions and American 
men have been and are the best the world has ever 
known, its mission will not have been in vain. 

And how can this be better done than by re- 
counting the deeds of the men of the Revolution. 
The tales of their heroic endeavors and patient suf- 
ferings in this county and in the State have never 
been written. No stately monument of granite, 
like that at Monmouth, recalls memories of their 
greater than Spartan patriotism ; no graphic and 
comprehensive history excites admiration for their 
martial deeds ; and now, after only a century, if 
their characters were not written in the State they 
helped to create and exhibited in the civic institu- 
tions they aided to form it would be difficult for the 
stranger to discover what manner of men they 
were. But, as knowing naught of the sun, we en- 
joy its bright light and beneficent heat, so all man- 
kind in every land and clime, though ignorant of 
the men who wrought out constitutional govern- 
ment, are to-day enjoying greater liberty and hap- 
piness for their having existed. 

The Chairman then announced the first toast : 
The Day we Celebrate. We celebrate to-night 
the memory of the battle of Red Bank and Fort 
Mifflin, and the fame of the ragged regiments of 
Greene, who so humbled the Briton's pride, and 
ratified in blood the priceless victory of Saratoga. 
John J. Hubbell, Esq., responded as follows : — 
Fort Mercer, at Red Bank, is situate on the 
New Jersey side of the Delaware River, below Phil- 
adelphia. Fort Mifflin is on an Island in the River 
opposite Fort Mercer, near the Pennsylvania shore. 
These two forts were the scene of a memorable 



6 



event of the War of the Revolution. Fort Mifflin 
is still garrisoned by U. S. troops ; but Fort 
Mercer is deserted, naught of it remains and all 
vestiges of the conflict which was waged there have 
disappeared. An unassuming monument marks 
the spot where the conflict took place without 
whose aid the patriotic traveller in search of the 
scene, where once was fought this memorable bat- 
tle, would be powerless to locate the site. This 
monument commemorating that short but decisive 
conflict, is almost hidden in the midst of a forsaken 
growth of trees, and all around it is desolation. 

So many battles were fought on the soil of New 
Jersey during the Revolutionary War, that Red 
Bank, important as it was, has been well nigh for- 
gotten. It took place on the 22nd day of October, 
1777 ; just 112 years ago to-day. In reviewing the 
preceding events, we find that in July of the same 
year General Howe, with a fleet carrying thirty-six 
English and Hessian Battalions, including light in- 
fantry and grenadiers, with a powerful artillery, a 
New York company called the Queen's Rangers, and 
a regiment of light horse, was making his way by 
sea to the mouth of the Delaware river. It was ev- 
ident that his destination was Philadelphia ; and 
General Washington at once took means to frus- 
trate his plans. Washington before this had exam- 
ined the country round Philadelphia, and the works 
below, and had come to the conclusion that the de- 
fense of the river should be confined to the fort at 
Mud Island, called Fort Mifflin, and to Red Bank on 
the high ground opposite. On the 26th of Septem- 
ber, 1777, Lord Cornwallis at the head of the Brit- 
ish and Hessian grenadiers entered Philadelphia, 
the main body of his Army, however, was encamp- 
ed at Germantown. General Howe, in order to re- 
tain possession of Philadelphia wished to free the 
Delaware for his fleet, but he found that the forti- 



fications at Fort Mifflin and Eed Bank interfered 
with his plans. Chevaux-de-f rise had been sunk in 
the channel between the batteries preventing the 
entry of the ships. General Howe could not com- 
municate with his fleet, and this put him to much 
inconvenience. The American vessels, in the river 
above Eed Bank and Fort Mifflin, prevented him 
from foraging and obtaining supplies in Pennsylva- 
nia and New Jersey, but the "Delaware," one of 
the largest of the American vessels, was captured, 
and the disadvantage to the British, caused by these 
vessels, was much diminished. While the British fleet 
was endeavoring to advance up the river, the Fort 
at Byllingsport below Eed Bank was feebly garri- 
soned, and was captured by the British, and this 
gave them a better opportunity to ascend the river. 
The attention of both British and American com- 
manders was now directed to this point on the Del- 
aware ; one to remove and the other to retain the 
impediments to navigation. Lord Howe had arran- 
ged his ships along the Delaware shore from Eeedy 
Island to New Castle. The fort at Byllingsport, as 
we have shown, had been taken by the British. 
General Howe then removed the chevaux-de-frise 
from the channel opposite Byllingsport, so that on- 
ly the line from Fort Mifflin and Fort Mercer at 
Eed Bank, remained to prevent the fleet from pass- 
ing further up the river. Every effort was made 
for the destruction of these forts ; batteries were 
erected on the Pennsylvania shore to play on Mud 
Island, while a fierce attack was directed against 
the redoubts on the New Jersey shore. On the 21st 
of October, Colonel Compte Donop, a distinguished 
German officer, crossed the Delaware Eiver, at 
Cooper's Ferry, at the head of a detachment of 
Hessians of two thousand or twenty-five hundred 
men, in order to proceed the next day to the attack 
on Eed Bank. It was a part of the plan that so soon 



as the assault should begin a heavy cannonade 
on Fort Mifflin should be made from the batteries 
on the Pennsylvania shore ; that the "Vigilant," a 
ship of war, should pass through the narrow chan- 
nel and attack Fort Mifflin on the rear. The forti- 
fications at Red Bank consisted of extensive outer 
works, within which was an intrenchment eight or 
nine feet high, barded and fraized — a work upon 
which Colonel Christopher Greene, of Rhode Island, 
the Commander of the American Forces, had be- 
stowed great thought and labor. Late on the even- 
ing of the 22nd of October, Compte Donop attacked 
the fort with great fearlessness ; it was defended 
with equal resolution by the American contingen- 
cy, which consisted of white men and mulattos, 
who showed wonderful amount of bravery. The 
outer works being too extensive to be manned by 
the garrison, which did not exceed five hundred 
men, were only used to delay and annoy the assail- 
ants, and on their near approach were abandoned 
by the Americans, who retired within the inner in- 
trenchment, whence they poured upon the Hes- 
sians pressing on with great gallantry a most de- 
structive fire. Colonel Donop leading his troop was 
fatally wounded ; the second officer in command, 
Lieutenant-Colonel Mingerode, was killed at the 
same time. Lieutenant-Colonel Linsing, aided by 
the darkness of the evening, collected many of the 
wounded Hessians, and with the rest of the detach- 
ment, marched that night about five miles, and re- 
turned to Philadelphia the next day. The loss of 
the Hessians was estimated at four hundred men ; 
the garrison being reinforced from Fort Mifflin, 
aided by the galleys on the river which flanked the 
Hessians, while advancing and retreating, fought 
under cover and lost only thirty- two men killed and 
wounded. 

Marquis de Chastellux, in his Travels in North 



America, gives a very vivid and most excellent ac- 
count of the battle. He visited the battle field in 
company with Lafayette and M. Mauduit, the lat- 
ter having had charge of arranging and defending 
the fort under the orders of Colonel Greene, and so 
the Marquis had peculiar advantages in his descrip- 
tion. The account which he gives is too long to be 
quoted here, but he gives some incidents of great 
interest, one of which I will mention. 

" M. de Mauduit, after fixing the palisades, em- 
ployed himself in repairing the abattis. He again 
sallied out with a detachment ; and it was then he 
beheld the deplorable spectacle of the dead and dy 
ing, heaped one upon another. A voice arose from 
amidst these carcasses, and said, in English : "Who 
ever you are, draw me hence." It was the voice of 
Col. Donop. M. de Mauduit made the soldiers lift 
him up, and carry him into the fort, where he was 
soon known. He had his hip broken ; but whether 
they did not consider his wound as mortal, or that 
they were heated by the battle, and still irritated 
at the menaces thrown out against them a few 
hours before, the Americans could not help saying 
aloud : ' Well ! is it determined to give no quar- 
ter?' 'lam in your hands,' replied the Colonel. 
'You may revenge yourself.' M. de Mauduit had 
no difficulty in imposing silence, and employed 
himself only in taking care of the wounded offi- 
cer." 

While visiting the scene of the battle a few days 
ago, we found all that now remains of the old Fort 
Mercer. The spot is beautifully situated upon the 
high bluff on the Delaware and looking across the 
river one sees the ramparts of Fort Mifflin. The 
battle field itself is much neglected, the only way 
of approach is by a small path among the bram- 
bles. By making a detour of some distance north 
of the Whitall House towards Timber Creek, one 



10 



finds at the present day an embankment which, as 
tradition has it, was the outer breastwork of the 
fort. The plan of the fort, as these embankments 
show, was large and extended, but evidently made 
in a rude way. One finds also raised places with 
gulleys between, nearer the bluff, which corres- 
ponds with the inner fort, as history tells us. On 
the outside of the outer fort is a ditch or gulley, 
from which evidently the earth had been taken to 
build the embankment. These marks are apparent 
to this day. The land on which the battle of Red 
Bank took place is now owned by the Government, 
and stones labeled " U. S. " marks the boundaries. 
We had the pleasure of going over the battle 
field with Judge Carter, the Historian of Wood- 
bridge, and he pointed out many places of histori- 
cal value connected with this memorable struggle. 
Among them is the old Whitall house which is still 
standing, and this also is owned by the Govern- 
ment. One can see in front of it pieces of cannon 
that were used in the conflict ; one of the largest 
having been taken to Woodbury. The monument 
erected on October 22nd, 1829, to commemorate 
the bravery of the officers and soldiers who fell in 
this historic ground has a lonely and neglected ap- 
pearance. At one time it had crumbled and the 
elements threatened to destroy it. The bank upon 
which it was placed was washed away and only 
with great difficulty was it moved back further on 
the bluff and restored to its former condition. This 
was made possible by the generosity of the people 
of Woodbury. We learn that at the present time 
this memorable spot is neglected by the Govern- 
ment. On Sundays the place is over-run by care- 
less and trespassing visitors, and at other times the 
monument is used for a target from the boats pass- 
ing up and down the river. Mr. Murray, the Gov- 
ernment Farmer, who lives in the Whitall house, 



11 



told us that his life was often in danger from the fly- 
ing bullets, and that a battle, though not so fierce as 
the former one of Ked Bank, is frequently suggest- 
ed to him. There are many marks of the battle in 
the old Whitall house, and one can see the room 
and cellar where old Mrs. Whitall remained during 
the conflict. 

Many of the wounded were carried to this 
Whitall House where they were kindly taken care 
of ; others were taken to the Campbell House, as it 
is now called, which is situated opposite the Court 
House in Woodbury ; this house also is still stand- 
ing, and it is pointed out to visitors as being at one 
time the headquarters of Lord Cornwallis. 

It should be the duty of the New Jersey Socie- 
ty of the Sons of the American Eevolution to see 
that the battle field of Red Bank is not left to des- 
olation and neglect. It should be our pleasure to 
maintain and keep sacred this memorable spot 
where so much bravery and patriotism were shown 
for the great cause of religious and political liber- 

ty- 

Let us then, at this our first dinner, take some 
effective measures for the restoration and future 
preservation of the monument already erected in 
commemoration of the sacred battle field of Red 
Bank. 



Mr. J. C. Pumpelly, being called upon by the 
Chairman, further responded to the first toast as 
follows : 

1777— 1889. 

History bristles with inspiring personalities and 
throws upon the canvas below us pictures which 
threaten or encourage us as with a tongue of flam- 
ing: fire. 



12 

It is one of these scenes we would recall as we 
celebrate to-night the memory of the battle at Eed 
Bank and Fort Mifflin, and the fame of the ragged 
regiments of Greene, who ' ' so humbled the Briton's 
pride and ratified in blood the priceless victory at 
Saratoga." 

Red Bank, as it stands to-day, moss-grown by 
the shores of the Delaware, so little known even to 
our citizens, was in the great plan of history cho- 
sen as one of those pivotal points upon which hung 
as in the balance events of grave importance to the 
future of liberty in America. 

These 112 years that have passed in the pro- 
gress of events have accomplished more than a thou- 
sand and twelve in the Middle Ages. Memory re- 
verts to many heroic deeds in our little State which 
have been crowded into their compass. 

In the war for Independence, as we remember, 
the battle of Long Island gave to Lord Howe hon- 
ors and knighthood, while Eed Bank's bloody day 
brought him only disaster and disgrace. It was 
Charles Lee, we remember, too, the marplot at both 
Moultrie and Monmouth, who, when a prisoner of 
war in New York so maladvised Lord Howe that 
neglecting the direct orders of his own Government, 
he sailed for Philadelphia, thus forcing that com- 
plication of events which assured the surrender of 
Burgoyne, the alliance with France, and the capture- 
of Yorktown. 

The British campaign in Pennsylvania was well 
satirized by Franklin in his oft quoted words, 
"Howe has not taken Philadelphia, but Philadel- 
phia has taken Howe." So in the fall of '77, Howe 
still blundering and seeking vainly to open a pass- 
age for his frigates to the Chesapeake found him- 
self confronted on the east shore of the Delaware 
by the earthworks at Red Bank and in mid stream 
by the island defences of Fort Mifflin. Insignificant,, 



13 



indeed, must have appeared these humble bulwarks 
of liberty to the doughty and insolent British cap- 
tains, but what instruments of vengeance they 
proved to be to them before the setting of the sun. 
On came the English frigates "Augusta," "Roe- 
buck," " Merlin," every gun well manned, with 
their accompanying galleys, appearing as they 
passed through the chevaux-de-frise like Titans as 
•compared with those pigmy defences confronting 
them. But the same pigmies proved themselves no 
common foe, and ' ' so incessant was the fire on 
both sides," says the New Jersey Gazette, "that 
the very elements seemed to be aflame." The "Au- 
gusta" took fire and blew up. So near were the 
combatants to each other that some of the Ameri- 
can powder horns took fire. The "Eoebuck" re- 
tired from the fight and the " Merlin " ran aground, 
was set fire to and burned to the water's edge, and 
thus ended a naval engagement as singular as any 
in history. As in the day of Moultries' victory 
Carolina single-handed humbled the naval suprem- 
acy of Great Britain, so now New Jersey, ragged 
and torn as she was, again brought quick and 
wholesale destruction to the best ships of the Eng- 
lish line. 

Thus it is that Moultrie and Monmouth, Mifflin 
and Mercer, will be ever glorious names in the 
bloody annals of earth's great struggles for human 
liberty. So long as life endures we, as "Sons of 
the American Revolution," yes, and sons of patriots 
yet unborn, shall venerate and cherish these shrines 
made sacred by the blood of America's noblest Free- 
men. 

Greene's able defence of the attack on the fort 
at Red Bank, was also equally glorious and com- 
plete. Though the number of the combatants was 
not so great, yet no battle of the Revolution was 
more desperately contested, and none reflected more 



14 



credit upon the American arms. The fort, so-call- 
ed, was but an earthen redoubt of pentagonal shape, 
behind which were fourteen pieces of cannon and 
three hundred as brave men as ever fought a bat- 
tle. Most of these were negroes and mulattos from 
Khode Island ; ragged and destitute was their con- 
dition, but within their breasts glowed such a fire 
of patriotism as rendered them indifferent to every 
personal suffering or condition. How often, com- 
rades, in our great Civil War, did we see this same 
heroic self-sacrifice among the men of our colored 
regiments. 

In direct command of the position on this 22nd 
of October, 1777, was Colonel Mauduit, a French 
officer of tried skill ; also there fought with him 
those other two able Frenchmen, Armand Charles 
Tuffin and brave Count Duplessis. Lord Howe 
with special malice had despatched his most savage 
officer, Col. Donop, with two thousand Hessians, 
not only to subdue the place, but even massacre 
every one of its defenders. Upon approaching 
within cannon shot a Hessian officer advanced, pre- 
ceded by a drummer boy, and demanded the sur- 
render of the fort, or "if battle ensued no quarter 
tvould he given." Insolent was the demand and in- 
famous the order, and for its infamy Col. Donop 
must ever stand an arraigned murderer at the bar 
of history. 

The battle that was fought on that sunlit day 
in October was one of the fiercest in all the bloody 
records of the Revolution, but it is not my purpose 
here to give more than a few details of the contest. 
Upon the enemy's reaching the abattis they were 
received with a fire so severe in front and flank and 
at such short range that many bodies were perfora- 
ted with wads and others literally blown to pieces. 

In the thick of the fight Col. Donop, noticeable 
by the marks of the orders he wore, and by his 



15 



handsome figure, fell fatally wounded, and soon 
after the attack was relinquished and the remnant 
of the Hessian forces regained the wood in com- 
plete rout. 

There was indeed a massacre at Red Bank, but 
those who came to slay without mercy were them- 
selves slain, and in such numbers that over three 
hundred were buried in one ditch. But in the prov- 
idence of God it was fated that here at this spot the 
American volunteer soldier, deemed half civilized by 
our European foe, should teach not only his Eng- 
lish foe but the whole world its first great lesson in 
the humane treatment of a vanquished enemy. 

To the last Col. Donop refused to recognize the 
loyal and chivalric kindness of the American lead- 
er, Col. Christopher Greene, but recognizing that 
Col. Mauduit was a Frenchman, he said when dy- 
ing : "I am content ; I die in the hands of honor 
itself." "It is finishing a noble career early," he 
said, "but I die the victim of my ambition and of 
the avarice of my sovereign.''' 

Unequalled as was the courage shown by the 
combatants, so equally great, let us not forget, was 
the heroism shown by that mother of the Revolu- 
tion, Mrs. Whitall, whose home was but a stone's 
throw from the fort ; there she sat spinning, unap- 
palled by the roar of the contest until a cannon ball 
whistling through the entry induced her to take 
her wheel into the cellar, where she continued to 
spin undisturbed through the whole engagement, 
although her dwelling was struck several times by 
shot from the frigates. 

Of such stuff were made our mothers in the 
Revolution, and their inspiring personalities are be- 
fore our wives and daughters as rare examples of 
consistent morality, plain, loving and deep think- 
ing. Courageous and industrious and God-fearing 
was this Mrs.. Whitall, like her great exemplar, 



16 



Mary the mother of Washington, "simple in garb, 
majestic and serene, unmoved by pomp or circum- 
stance, in truth inflexible." Shame upon us, as a 
people, that the grave of this illustrious woman is 
to-day dilapidated and neglected. Let the daugh- 
ters as well as the sons of the Eevolution make the 
preservation of this sacred spot their first duty and 
show in their lives the loving and active influence 
of a great and noble memory. 

But while our Bed Banks are all passed and 
peace is over us, our conflict is to be with the forces 
that war upon the moral sentiment and threaten 
corruption to our social and political fabric. Let us 
but upbuild the citizen and adjust not so much the 
cold economic relation of capital and labor as the 
warm relations of man with man in the great 
struggle for happiness, then shall we be worthy 
sons of worthy sires, and if we neglect this duty, 
then is our celebration of historic days and our 
praise of the fathers only a vain and useless show. 



The Chairman then announced the second reg- 
ular toast : The National Society. All honor to our 
National Society. May she continue to all time to 
keep ever in remembrance the noble deeds of our 
Eevolutionary Ancestry. 

The Hon. L. P. Derning, President of the Na- 
tional Society, was expected to respond to this 
toast, but he was prevented from being present. 

The third regular toast was the following : So- 
ciety of the Cincinnati. May friendship, benevo- 
lence and patriotism, the basis of the Institution 
forever inspire the conduct of its members. Flavel 
McGee, Esq., of Jersey City, spoke to this toast 
substantially as follows : 

The Society of the Cincinnati which I represent 



IT 



here this evening was founded on the tenth of May, 
seventeen hundred and eighty-three, on the banks 
of the Hudson at the close of the Revolutionary 
War. The officers of the Army of the Revolution 
decided to found an Association whose object should 
be the perpetuation of the friendship that had been 
cemented by years of hardship in the field, and by 
memories of the struggle for American indepen- 
dence. They hoped that the Society would exist, 
not only during the lifetime of its founders, but 
would be perpetuated by their descendants during 
the whole life of the Republic, and that it would 
hand down to succeeding generations the traditions 
of that eventful period which had resulted in the 
birth of a new nation. 

They formed a constitution by which it was 
provided that at the death of any member his mem- 
bership should descend to his eldest son, and so by 
the right of primogeniture, the Society might al- 
ways retain the same number and be kept alive 
perpetually. 

At its inception it met with great opposition. 
It was regarded by many as an effort to create an 
order of Nobility, and so severe was the opposition 
that a proposition was made that all the moneys 
raised by the branch societies in the various States 
should be paid into the treasuries of the States, 
there to remain forever, and the interest only to be 
paid to the Association from time to time. The 
New Jersey Society particularly refused, and so did 
many others, to become a party to any such ar- 
rangement, the plan was abandoned, and the meth- 
od has ever since obtained that the moneys raised 
should be used for the purposes of the Society, and 
for the benefit of any of its members who should by 
reason of sickness or misfortune be in need of aid. 

For a time the Society flourished, then it lan- 
guished. The State Societies grew less in numbers, 



18 



some have gone out of existence, but several of 
them still exist, and amongst them the Society of 
New Jersey, which is just now in a condition per- 
haps more flourishing than any of the others. 

And now your Society has been organized, and 
has the same object in view as that of the Cincin- 
nati, the only difference being that membership in 
the Cincinnati is only for the oldest sons of officers; 
whereas in your case all male descendants of those 
who took part in the War of the Eevolution may 
become members. The two Societies form the com- 
plement of each other ; neither is complete without 
the other. 

The badge which the Society of the Cincinnati 
adopted had this motto : ' ' Let us relinquish all to 
serve the Republic." Is it not our duty, as des- 
cendants of the men who fought the War of the 
Eevolution and made it possible for this nation to 
exist, to relinquish all, if necessary, to serve the 
Republic ? True, we cannot all go to the war ; we 
cannot all fight in the field, but each of us, in his 
own neighborhood, can fight the battles of his 
country in another arena. Dangers are continually 
attacking the integrity of the Government — politi- 
cal frauds, political immoralities, political wrongs 
of every sort ; more fruitful sources of destruction 
to the body politic than the armies of an enemy. 
As fruitful, did I say % Nay ! more so, for they are 
insidious. An enemy's army comes with guns and 
flags and provokes resistance. These attacks from 
among ourselves are made in silence, under cover, 
in the dark, and before their existence is known 
the integrity of the Government is sapped, its 
strength gone, and it is a ready prey to every fraud. 
Is it not our duty then, as descendants of these men 
of old, to stand as bulwarks each in his own neigh- 
borhood, and to fight all such attacks, and to main- 
tain that purity which characterized that Govern- 



19 

ment in its inception, and to keep it intact in all its 
pristine vigor. 

Is it not our privilege then, and our duty, to be 
up and doing and to see to it that the dark places 
politically in our communities are enlightened ; 
that the danger spots are watched and cared for 
and cleansed, and that the politics of the Republic 
are kept clean and pure ? 

Let us recall the glorious days of our ancestors. 
Let us remember that this nation has grown until 
it has become one of the greatest of the world. 
That, instead of its being sparsely settled, as it was 
in the days of the Revolution, it has become a vast, 
seething, surging mass of population. That instead 
of being, as it was then, mainly agricultural, it has 
now extended its commerce to all parts of the 
world, and has within its limits all opinions, all 
shades of thought, all habits, all the dangerous the- 
ories of the old nations of the earth ; and that the 
proportion of the foreign born and uneducated pop- 
ulation is vastly greater than were the ignorant at 
the time of the Revolution. Is it not then our du- 
ty, by every means within our power — by the aid 
of the common school, of religion, of individual ef- 
fort, by aggregate endeavor — to see to it that this 
vast population is so led, guided and directed, that 
its forces shall work together for the preservation 
of the Constitution and the furtherance of all that 
is good within it. Let your Society and ours then 
work together, shoulder to shoulder, with one com- 
mon purpose and one common thought, to save this 
country for God and posterity. 

The fourth toast was next in order : The Mon- 
mouth Battle Monument Association, reared by 
patriotic sons of patriotic sires — imperishable me- 
morial of imperishable days. 

Mr. Robert Laird was to have responded to this, 
but he was unable to be present, and the Chairman 
proceeded to the fifth and last regular toast : 



20 



Washington Association of New Jersey, for 
their careful preservation of the home of the great 
Commander, in the trying times of l779-'80, is due 
the heartfelt gratitude of every Jerseyman. Hon. 
Geo. A. Halsey gave an interesting account of the 
rise and progress of the Association. 

He was followed by the venerable William L. 
King, Esq., of Morristown, great-grandson of 
Frederick King, first Post Master at that place. 
Mr. W. L. King is Vice-President and Secretary of 
the Washington Association. He spoke in sub- 
stance as follows : 

The Washington Association of New Jersey 
dates its origin from the burst of enthusiasm at- 
tending the preparations for the great Centennial 
year of 1876, when that most able and patriotic 
Governor of New Jersey, Theodore F. Randolph, 
by his personal influence secured the passage of our 
charter by the State Legislature. Among the four 
financial founders of the Institution may be men- 
tioned the names of the Hon. Geo. A. Halsey and 
the late Gen. N. N. Halstead, of Newark. 

From the day the old Headquarters opened its 
doors to the public down to the present time, the 
Institution has been a complete success, and its col- 
lection of nearly 2,000 Revolutionary relics is now 
one of the largest and most interesting in the coun- 
try ; in proof of which I may mention that the 
number of visitors during the year ending October 
1st, was nearly ten thousand. 

During all these years we have been favored 
with many valuable gifts from friends, amongst 
whom I must not fail to mention that worthy and 
honorable son of New Jersey, Ferdinand J. Dreer, 
Esq., of Philadelphia, who besides contributing to 
our collection many documents of Revolutionary 
interest from his immense collection, has given us 
that priceless relic, the original commission of 



21 



Washington as Commander-in-Chief, signed by 
John Hancock, President of Congress. 

I beg, gentlemen, in the name of the Washing- 
ton Association and as one of its Vice-Presidents, 
to welcome the Sons of the Revolution as fellow- 
workers in the same field of usefulness, having 
kindred objects in view, namely, the preservation of 
the records of the Revolution and the cherishing of 
the memory of the dead heroes of New Jersey, who 
did so much towards achieving American Inde- 
pendence. 



NeW'jeffseY-socieTY 



OF THE SONS OF THE 



' ! A^S KICftN * REVOLUTION. 



Proceedings at the Celebration of the 113th 

Anniversary of the Battle of Trenton, 

fought December 26th, 1776. 



December 26th, 4889. 

NEWARK, N. J. 



BATTLE OF TRENTON. 



(ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT, HON ROBERT STOCK- 
TON GREEN, GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY.) 

Gentlemen, Sons of the American Revolution ! 
We meet here to-day on the anniversary of the 
Battle of Trenton. Contrast and comparison are 
the impulses of the mind when any past event of 
importance is brought under serious consideration, 
and when we meet on an occasion like this — the 
anniversary of some Revolutionary incident — we 
find ourselves involuntarily comparing our condi- 
tion with that of those who figured in the event. 

With the rapidity of the lightning's flash across 
the sky, the century is traversed and this festive 
board, around which are gathered those who have 
come from homes ringing with joy and gladness, is 
brought into sharp contrast with the Christmas- 
tide of the Continental army in 1776. 

Who here does not vividly picture the mid- 
night passage of the Delaware — the biting, piercing 
cold, the blinding snow, the floating, grinding ice, 
the dreary march, through sleet and hail ; the dri- 
ving in of the pickets, the attack of the two col- 



26 



umns, the firing of the musketry and artillery, the 
capture of the enemy's guns, the retreat of the Hes- 
sians, its check by our left wing, the surrender, the 
victory, the withdrawal of the troops to the west 
bank and the march through Philadelphia with the 
prisoners and the trophies of war ? 

Each step in the contest has left its footprint 
in the history of the country. 

If the importance of battles is to be decided by 
results, the Battle of Trenton, followed as it was in 
eight days by that at Princeton, was one of the 
most important of the Revolution. It was fought 
at a time of the deepest depression. Fate seemed 
to be against the success of our arms. Important 
posts had been captured, reverses had been suffered, 
treachery was doing its secret work. Charles Lee, 
the second in command, had suffered himself to be 
captured. The plans of Washington seemed to be 
foiled by some hidden hand. The time of the ser- 
vice of many of the men was about expiring. En- 
listments were sluggish. The troops illy clad, illy 
shod, illy equipped, were well-nigh disheartened 
when this master stroke of the master mind — this 
victory — infused new spirits into the despairing ar- 
my, gave fresh courage and endurance to the troops 
and put new life into the struggle. 

Who can tell what the fate of the Colonies 
would have been, had Trenton not been won ? 

The President then announced the first regular 
toast, "The Battle of Trenton." A priceless victo- 
ry which brought light and hope into the darkest 
hour of the whole struggle for American Independ- 
ence. I call on the Honorable John Whitehead to 
respond. 



27 



HON. JOHN WHITEHEAD : 

The Second Continental Congress met in Car- 
penter's Hall, in Philadelphia, on the tenth day of 
May, 1775. 

It was a grand body of men — the grandest ever 
assembled in this or in any other country. Kepre- 
sentatives, fresh from the great body of the Amer- 
ican people and from every part of the land, were 
there ; men of wisdom, of energy, of transcendent 
ability ; men of action, of nerve, of resolution, all 
filled with the highest conception of patriotism. 

Doubt and uncertainty, vacillation and timidi- 
ty were, however, exhibited in their counsels ; 
there had been division in their ranks. Even the 
bravest among them had feared the power of the 
Mother Country, and so long as the just rights of 
the Colonies could be secured, would still have con- 
tinued to submit to the English Crown. In Octo- 
ber of the preceding year this same Congress had 
proclaimed in the strongest manner possible their 
allegiance to King George, and there were not a 
few in this second Congress who continued to hope 
that the breach between the Colonies and England 
might still be bridged. But now Lexington and 
Concord had sent their dread echoes through the 
country. Boston was filled with British soldiers, 
and the hardy peasantry of Massachusetts had gath- 
ered together to free it from the grasp of the invad- 
er. There had been some speech-making ; there 
could be no meeting of representative Americans in 
that or in any other period without it ; but the 
speeches were of few words and to the point, strong 
and intense. A deep solemnity pervaded the minds 
of the members, and they were realizing that the 
day of great events in the history of the country 
was dawning. There were many great men in that 
assembly, some of less note than others, but all 



28 

worthy of the time and the occasion. Listen to the- 
roll of worthies ! 

Massachusetts had sent up Samuel Adams, the 
fiery patriot, the ceaseless plotter against the op- 
pressor of his country. He would have filled a 
traitor's grave if he could have been captured by the 
British, and with John Hancock he shared the high 
honor of being expressly excepted from pardon. 
With him came John Adams, a young man, but 
wise beyond his years. Eoger Sherman and Silas 
Deane represented Connecticut ; Philip Livingston 
came from New York and William Livingston from 
New Jersey ; the grave, manly and eloquent John 
Jay, first Chief Justice of the United States Su- 
preme Court, also came from New York ; Pennsyl- 
vania was represented by Galloway ; Caesar Rodney, 
Eead and McKean were there to speak for Dela- 
ware ; Chase for Maryland ; Virginia sent up her 
wisest and best : Peyton Randolph, seventy years 
and more old, but still strong and vigorous, Richard 
Henry Lee, Patrick Henry, the divine orator, and 
best of all, George Washington. The two Rutledges, 
one of them afterwards Chief Justice of the United 
States Supreme Court, and Gadsden came from 
South Carolina. Later on a young Virginian, called 
Thomas Jefferson, took the place of Randolph, who 
was summoned home to assume important duties 
in his colony. 

Among these men there moved in and out, 
calm, silent and self-possessed, a Virginia Colonel 
dressed in the buff and blue uniform of his regi- 
ment. He was the most noticeable man in that 
whole assemblage ; tall, stately and commanding, 
with a native dignity which impressed all who 
came within the circle of his presence. He had been 
a member of the preceding Congress which met in 
the previous year. Then he came up in plain citi- 
zen's dress from his home on the banks of the Po- 



29 



tomac. His change of garments was significant ; 
in another man it might have been intended for 
display, but, in this quiet, reticent Virginian, it 
meant more than that ; it was grimly prophetic of 
the future ; it meant that he knew that there was 
to be war, a bloody war of many years. His 
broad, comprehensive mind had grasped the future 
and he fully understood the dread situation. He 
understood, too, that the army, which was gather- 
ing, must be adopted by Congress and become na- 
tional, and that it must have a head. He was a 
modest man. but vigorous-minded and far-reaching 
and he knew his own worth. In all the broad land 
there was no one who had his experience in milita- 
ry affairs, who understood so well as he, the science 
of war ; so, calmly awaiting the end, he gave him- 
self up to the duties of his position as Chairman of 
the Committee on Military Affairs. He had not 
long to wait ; the vigilant eye, the forecasting intel- 
lect, the broad judgment and the intense patriotism 
of the members of that august assembly were con- 
centrated upon a search for the right man to com- 
mand the army that was to battle for freedom. All 
eyes and all minds were turned to this Virginia Col- 
onel in his buff and blue uniform. With the quick, 
intuitive genius of this man of men he knew where 
that choice would be fixed. Early in the month of 
June, 1775, John Adams, the courtly, the learned, 
the patriotic, who represented Massachusetts, rose 
in his place and proposed that the Continental Con- 
gress should adopt the armies which were gather- 
ing in his own State and elsewhere, and that which 
was around Boston, and make them national ; and 
that Colonel George Washington, of Virginia, should 
be commissioned as Commander-in-Chief. 

As the words, George Washington, in full, so- 
norous tones, fell from the lips of the Massachusetts 
statesman, this Virginia Colonel in buff and blue 



30 



quietly rose from his seat and passed from the 
room. 

On the fifteenth day of June, 1775, he was unan- 
imously elected General-in-Chief, and on being re- 
called into the presence of his fellow members, to 
hear the announcement that upon his shoulders 
was to be placed the responsibility of leading the 
armies of the country, he accepted the position in 
a few dignified words. 

It was fitting that the nomination of a Virgin- 
ian should be made by a New Englander from Mas- 
sachusetts. These Colonies were the two most im- 
portant of the thirteen, in population, influence and 
resources. Coming as it did from John Adams, 
who, up to this time had been foremost in the 
struggle in his native State ; who had never from 
the beginning wavered in his opinion that America 
must fight ; that there was no other resource than 
an appeal to the God of battles, the nomination of 
George Washington was a just tribute of respect 
from the great New Englander to the great Virgin- 
ian. It was no time for strife, nor for jealousy ; 
before the dread issue of the hour there could be no 
question of locality but simply — who is the fittest ? 

Washington was a man of action, and immedi- 
ately left Philadelphia for Boston ; and on the 
third day of July, 1775, standing under the histori- 
cal elm tree at Cambridge, he drew his sword, as- 
sumed the command of the Continental army and 
began a career unexampled in the history of the 
world. Obstacles which seemed insurmountable 
and difficulties apparently insuperable confronted 
him at the very outset and followed him at every 
step. He was forewarned, however, and fully ap- 
preciating the situation with its embarrassing envi- 
ronments, he bent all the energies of his forceful 
nature to the accomplishment of the task before 



31 



him. That task was no easy one. His first duty 
was with the army encamped around Boston. 

He found it demoralized, disorganized and un- 
disciplined. Every one in its ranks was brave and 
all were enthusiastically patriotic ; but none had 
learned that a soldier's first and highest duty was 
implicit and ready obedience. 

For eight months he remained before Boston, 
apparently idle, but for him it was eight months of 
incessant labor. He was waiting for the decisive 
moment when he could strike the blow which would 
drive the enemy from the City ; and at last the 
right time came. On the morning of the fifth of 
March, 1776, the British Commander looked across 
the water to Dorchester Heights and there was the 
American Army protected by fortifications. It 
seemed to him the work of magic ; at first he could 
not believe the evidence of his senses ; but it was 
only the work of the accomplished strategist at the 
head of the American Army, and it was impossible 
for the British any longer to remain in Boston. 
They sailed away on the 17th of March, and Wash- 
ington entered the town with his forces on the 20th. 
This signal success did not blind the eyes of Wash- 
ington to the demands of the future, nor make him 
inactive. He knew that Gen. Howe meant mis- 
chief and suspected that the City of New York 
would be his next point of attack ; so he lost no 
time, but immediately laid his plans to defeat the 
English commander. In fact he began his opera- 
tions before he himself entered the City, and the 
very next day after the English sailed, he ordered 
a part of his army to march away to New York and 
called upon Gov. Trumbull, of Connecticut, who 
had been and still continued to be, his most effect- 
ive assistant in all emergencies, to aid in the trans- 
portation of his troops and to add to their numbers 
from the Connecticut militia. In the months of 



32 



June and July the two opposing armies were gath- 
ering, one for the attack and the other for the de- 
fence of New York. 

On the 27th of August, 1776, the disastrous bat- 
tle of Long Island was fought, and the Americans 
lost a contest which should have been won. Then 
followed a series of disasters sufficient to have ap- 
palled the heart of the stoutest soldier. But Wash- 
ington never quailed. The misfortunes which 
crowded around him so thick and fast only seemed 
to arouse the masterful force of his nature. Calm, 
imperturbable, grim and defiant, still confident of 
the future, never doubting the result, he watched 
every movement of his antagonist and gave up his 
days and nights, with unremitting toil, to the task 
of rescuing his army from the perils which sur- 
rounded it. Harlem Heights followed Long Island. 
Then came White Plains ; Forts Washington and 
Independence were lost. A large British fleet was 
up the North River to intercept Washington's re- 
treat in that direction. An English army, flushed 
with victory after victory, followed fast after the 
retreating Americans, But Washington never 
seemed to sleep ; he was everywhere ; for forty- 
eight hours, at one time, he was in the saddle, ex- 
amining post after post, encouraging the weary sol- 
diers, urging on the laggards, directing this move- 
ment and checking that, praising where praise was 
due ; correcting, sternly, if necessary ; visiting the 
sick and the wounded and never failing to be in the 
right place at the right time. His army began now 
to break up ; the militia left him in companies, in 
battalions, sometimes even in regiments. Still he 
held on with the firm grip of grim despair, and still 
the same calm, serene, imperturbable man. He 
formed his plans in secret and carried them out in 
a manner which seemed almost superhuman. At 
last, by a stroke of consummate strategy, he car- 



33 



ried his army over to New Jersey, and then began 
-a most masterly retreat, unsurpassed in the annals 
of modern warfare. From Fort Lee to Hacken- 
sack ; from Hackensack to A.cquackanonk ; then to 
Springfield and Newark ; then to Bound Brook and 
New Brunswick ; then to Princeton and then to 
Trenton. 

While all this was done under the eye and per- 
sonal supervision of Washington, he attended to 
every detail connected with the army, providing for 
the sick and wounded, making requisitions for pro- 
visions for the men and forage for the horses ; wri- 
ting to Congress and to the Governors of the Colo- 
nies ; advising Congress about enlistment and the 
formation of a regular army ; about the manufac- 
ture of powder, the casting of the cannon and can- 
non-balls, calling on the colonies for material aid 
for his soldiers and for additional volunteers ; di- 
recting his subordinates as to their movements and 
dealing with mutinous and refractory troops. He 
never lost sight of the slightest movement of any 
part of his army, and he kept himself fully inform- 
ed of the operations of his enemy. 

The labors performed by this wonderful man 
during this terrible crisis in the history of his coun- 
try are simply amaziDg, and one stands astounded 
at the magnitude of his intellect, at the breadth of 
his comprehension, and at his far-reaching intui- 
tions. 

He was followed through New Jersey by the 
English Army. But the British officers had learned 
by this time that the silent man in command of 
their enemy was too wary and too alert to be caught 
in any trap of their devising. 

On the 3rd day of December he reached Tren- 
ton and securing every boat which could be found 
within seventy miles, he crossed the Delaware on 
the 8th of December with less than 3,500 efficient 



soldiers. Ou the 5th of December he wrote Con- 
gress that he conceived it to be his duty "to make 
head against them (the British) so soon as there shall 
be the least probability of doing it with propriety" 
This was the darkest hour of the American Revo- 
lution and now it seemed as if the hopes of the 
American people must go down in utter, hopeless 
despair. But there was one man who did not des- 
pair ; his calm, equable nature, his unfaltering 
trust and, above all, his unconquerable energy sus- 
tained him even in that dread hour. He intended 
to strike the enemy, and when he did strike it 
would be a heavy, deadly blow. 

The American Army which lay on the west 
bank of the Delaware was thus posted. Gen. 
Ewing was directed to guard the river from Bor- 
dentown Ferry to Yardleyville, or Yardley Mills as 
it was then called. Here he united with General 
Dickinson. Four brigades under Mercer, Lord Stir- 
ling, Stephen, and DeFermoy held the ground from 
Yardleyville to Coryell Ferry, while General Cad- 
wallader was farther down the river and General 
Ewing was at Morris ville, opposite Trenton. The 
British were scattered through New Jersey, with 
detachments at New Brunswick, Princeton, Mount 
Holly, Blackhorse, Bordentown, and Burlington. 
At Trenton there were three regiments of Hessians 
1,500 strong, under Col. Rail (Rahl) and a troop of 
English light horse. Washington determined to 
strike this body of Hessians and British at Trenton. 
He, himself, was at McConkey's Ferry, now called 
Taylorsville. His plan embraced movements on the 
part of Gen. Ewing, who was directed to move his 
troops across the river at Morrisville, guard the 
bridge over the Assanpink, and thus prevent the 
retreat of the enemy to Bordentown ; and of Cad- 
wallader who was to cross at Bristol, threaten CoL 
Donop, who was at Bordentown. Washington re- 



35 



served to himself the command of the attacking 
force, which was to pass over at McConkey's Fer- 
ry, nearly nine miles from Trenton. This move- 
ment was to be made at night, in time to reach the 
town at daylight, or before that time. This attack- 
ing force was divided into two divisions, severally 
to be commanded by Generals Sullivan and Greene. 
Neither Ewing nor Cadwailauer was able to effect 
a crossing. The weather was intensely unpleas- 
ant, it stormed violently with hail and sleet, the 
river was filled with ice, ice formed on the roads 
rendering them slippery and unsafe. It is possible 
that the obstructions in the way of Generals Ewing 
and Cadwallader were greater than those which 
confronted the Commander-in-Chief. He crossed 
the river, however, fought the enemy ; they did 
not. If they had performed their part of the plan 
not a man of the whole British force would have 
escaped. 

It was the purpose of Washington that the 
troops should move as soon as darkness would cov- 
er their operations so that they could reach the east 
side of the river at midnight and arrive at Trenton 
at five o'clock in the morning. 

Washington was in dead earnest and personal- 
ly directed all the movements. It was Christmas 
night ; he was an Episcopalian and had been edu- 
cated to regard that holy day as the greatest festi- 
val of the Christian Church. But Washington was 
in fighting mood, his blood was up, he was now fa- 
cing his pursuers and he had a long account to 
settle with the English. He looked across the river 
in the darkness and saw the masses of ice floating 
down, and then up into the pitiless wintry sky, and 
heard and felt the tempest as it howled defiance in- 
to his ear, warning him that there was danger in 
his onward progress. Then he surveyed his shiver- 
ing troops, illy clad, no stockings, some with no 



36 



shoes, ragged and blanketless. But they were men 
tried and true. They were the select patriots who 
had stood by him, the laggards and cowards had 
left and these undaunted men were by his side. He 
looked into their eyes and he knew he was safe. % 'I 
hope you will all fight like men," was all he said, but 
it was enough and it was an inspiration. Then he 
gave the order to move. The crossing was made in 
open boats and was perilous in the extreme. The 
current was swift, large masses of ice were floating 
in the stream which threatened at every step of 
their progress to crush the vessels. There was one 
man in the attacking force to whom justice has not 
been done. The safe passage of the artillery and 
men was due to his skill and energy. Under his 
guidance, assisted by some brave and careful boat- 
men, accustomed to encounter such perils, the land- 
ing without loss was at last accomplished. This 
man had been heard of before in the disastrous 
Long Island campaign, where he had rendered most 
efficient service. He was Gen. Glover, the Marble - 
head Fisherman. He has not received the recogni- 
tion due to his services. Let not his name be for- 
gotten ! 

The artillery, of which there were twenty 
pieces, did not get over until three o'clock and the 
army was not ready to march until four. A road 
from the ferry ran northeast one mile and a quar- 
ter to the Bear Tavern. Here the road to Trenton, 
called the old Eiver road, was crossed. Three miles 
and a half from this intersection, on this old River 
road, Birmingham was reached. At this point the 
army was divided, Sullivan taking one division and 
following the river road. Washington and Greene 
moved across in an easterly direction and struck 
the Scotch road, which at the distance of about two 
miles united with the road from Pennington, at a 
point one mile from Trenton. The Scotch road and 



the Pennington road ran nearly parallel with the 
River road from the points where they were first 
reached by the two divisions. Sullivan, after he 
had left his commander, notified Washington that 
his men's muskets and their powder were wet. 
"Use the bayonet, then, and push into the town. 
The town must be taken. I am resolved to take it," 
was Washington's reply. The distance to be trav- 
elled by the two divisions, before they could reach 
Trenton, after they separated, was about the same. 
Washington says that he arrived at the enemy's 
advanced guard at precisely eight o'clock, and three 
minutes after he heard firing from the other divi- 
sion. Two pickets of the enemy were stationed, 
one on each road, but they were quickly swept out 
of the way. 

The Pennington road entered the north end of 
the town where two streets then called King and 
Queen, now Warren and Green, united. These two 
streets separated there at a very acute angle and 
passed in a southerly direction ; Green ending near 
the bridge over the Assanpink and Warren running 
from its junction with Green or Queen slightly east 
of south, increasing the distance between it and 
Green as it approached the south end of the town. 
The battery was posted at the junction of Warren 
and Green streets, so that it could sweep both 
streets, as well as the open ground to the east and 
west. Sullivan reached the town through Second 
and Front streets, near where Warren street ended 
at Front. Part of his column, under Col. Stark, 
moved forward to the bridge over the Assanpink, 
to cut off any retreat in that direction ; it was too 
late, however, as several hundred Hessians with 
the light horse of the English had crossed the creek 
and were in full retreat towards Bordentown. Part 
of Sullivan's division took position at the foot of 
Green street, the portion which had marched to the 



38 



bridge now swung round and passed up the Assan- 
pink, so that the Hessians were completely hemmed 
in on every side. Rail's headquarters were on 
Warren street near Perry street. He promptly put 
himself at the head of a few men and purposed to 
pass up Warren street to dislodge Washington, but 
the fire from the battery stationed at the head of 
the street was too strong. Part of the Hessians at- 
tempted to form in the open ground between Green 
street and the Assanpink, and a third body moved 
off towards the Princeton road with the intention of 
retreating in that direction, but Washington had 
stationed a part of his troops on that part of the 
battle field so as to prevent any approach from 
Princeton, and, at the same time, keep the Hessians 
surrounded. 

It will thus be seen that Washington had per- 
fected his arrangements so that there could possi- 
bly be no escape. The enemy were completely 
hemmed in on the south and east by Sullivan and 
his troops, and on the north and west by the divis- 
ion under Washington and Greene. Rail had at- 
tempted, early in the engagement, to place two 
cannon in position so as to answer the fire from the 
battery of the Americans, but two brave captains 
from Washington's division, with a few soldiers, 
rushed upon the gunners and carried away their 
guns. One of these captains was James Monroe, 
afterwards President of the United States. Rail 
was soon mortally wounded, and his troops before 
greatly demoralized, now ascertained the impossi- 
bility of successful defence and surrendered. 

The prisoners numbered about a thousand, in 
addition to whom large stores, four stands of col- 
ors, twelve drums, six brass field pieces and one 
thousand stands of arms were captured. Washing- 
ton recrossed the Delaware the same day with his 
prisoners, but he could not be idle. On the first 



39 



day of January, 1777, he was again in Trenton, and 
on the next day met and repulsed an attack of the 
British, under Lord Cornwallis, and then finding 
his position untenable and dangerous he outwitted 
his antagonist by another strategical movement, 
and carried his troops safe to Princeton, where he 
fought another battle and then moved his army 
safely to Morristown into winter headquarters. 

The affair at Trenton can hardly be called a bat- 
tle, nor even a skirmish ; it was a surprise, as com- 
plete and fearful in its results to the enemy as any 
which ever covered an army with disgrace and 
ruin. This is not the time nor the place to criticise 
the Hessian leader. Whatever may have been his 
blunders before or during the engagement he paid 
dearly for them, as he lost his life, only surviving a 
few days. The results to the American people, to 
its army and leader, were astounding ; the effect 
of the victory upon the Congress and upon the 
enemy was electric. The people passed from the 
depths of despair to the highest expectations of 
hope ; the army learned to know its leader and to 
have confidence in him and in themselves. Wash- 
ington with one bound leaped into the foremost 
ranks of great leaders and consummate strategists; 
Congress was electrified and at once invested 
Washington with supreme unlimited power and 
the enemy became demoralized. Philadelphia was 
relieved, New Jersey was almost entirely evacuated 
by the English, the several encampments being 
nearly all deserted and their troops were drawn 
closer to New York. 

It is quite amusing to read the comments in 
the papers of the day upon the occurrence. Espec- 
ially by those printed in England, General Howe 
was severely criticised. One grand result was that 
the American soldier learned that he could fight, 
and he ceased to dread the German mercenaries. 



40 



But the culminating glory of the affair was that 
Washington had struck a blow which settled the 
whole question of American Independence ; he 
had saved the Eevolution and the nation was born, 
never to die. 

The second toast was then read by the Presi- 
dent. 

"The National Society." 

Limited only by the bounds of a common coun- 
try, it would make America a unit by a living faith 
in the fatherhood of Washington and the brother- 
hood of the Sons of the American Eevolution. 

We had expected that Dr. W. Seward Webb, 
the President of the Nationa) Society, and a de- 
scendant of Col. Webb, who was present at the 
Battle of Trenton, would have been here to respond 
but unfortunately he is detained at home and I 
have the pleasure of asking Mr. Gill, of the Ohio 
Society, to respond to this toast. 

MR. GILL. 

Gentlemen, I will not attempt to take the 
place of Col. Webb this evening, but I bring to you 
his heartiest greetings. He greatly regretted that 
he could not be with you to-night. 

THE PRESIDENT. The next toast is :— 

"South Carolina and New Jersey." 

The guns of Moultrie in the very dawn of the 
Revolution prepared the way for the victory at 
Monmouth. Let us renew to-day the bonds of the 
past, and may those bonds never be broken. 

Before this toast is responded to by the Rev. H. 
Goodwin Smith, I call upon Mr. Pumpelly to read 
some letters from sister Societies. 

Mr. Pumpelly then read the following : — 



GEEETINGS FROM SISTER SOCIETIES. 



NEW HAMPSHIRE sends these words :— 
It is with the deepest reverence and uncovered 
head that we view those heroes in their eventful 
progress through ice-flooded water, over blood- 
stained snow and on their fifteen mile march 
through storm and hail, until at day-break they 
burst upon the astonished Hessians and turned the 
shadow of death into glorious morning. As men of 
New Hampshire we read with peculiar interest and 
pardonable pride that in this attack our own Sulli- 
van commanded the right wing, and our own Stark 
who never failed in duty and never made a mistake 
in his whole military career, led the van of Sulli- 
van's party, and that his men with fixed bayonet 
and ringing cheers rushed upon the enemy's lines 
with such fury that victory was almost assured 
from that moment. You will participate with us 
in the satisfaction that the New Hampshire Legis- 
lature has now instructed the Governor to cause to 
be erected in the State House yard at Concord a 
statue of Gen. John Stark. As direct descendants 
of " The Sons of Liberty " we will be with you in 
spirit and trust we shall not be unworthy of our he- 
roic ancestors. 

C. R. Morrison. 



VERMONT. 
Responding fully to the patriotic sentiment of 
your letter wishing all success to the New Jersey 
Society and to our brother and sister societi es who 



42 



may gather at Newark on the 2Gth, I am, frater- 
nally yours. 

G. G. Benedict, 

President, Etc. 



OHIO. 
Our heroic past should pulse the thoughts of 
the present. Its speech should augment the sig- 
nificance of the rights of man ; should be plowed 
into our soil and walk the invisible air ; the moun- 
tain should repeat it and the rivers bear it to the 
sea. It should echo from shore to shore. Free and 
united Americans. Inspired with the sublime and 
ennobling principles of our Eevolutionary sires. 
This is the vision that glorifies the present, and 
will even much more glorify the future if we are 
but guided by the teachings it inspires. Greatly do 
we need the inspiration of these meetings. The 
love of gold and its dominating power reveals our 
danger, and we must look to the high personalities 
of the heroic past to greatly impress our national 
and social life. 

W. E. Parsons, 

President, Etc. 



SOUTH CAROLINA. 
Speaks by letter, and better yet, in the person 
of our honored guest. The preservation of our tra- 
ditions are vitally necessary to the development of 
our American industrial and social life upon the 
plain of our ancestors. The unexpected and la- 
mented death of our young associate, G. L. Callo- 



43 



way, is deeply and sincerely regretted by a larga 
■circle of friends outside of our organization. 

T. P. Richardson, 

President, Etc. 



TENNESSEE. 
On December 16th your secretary sent the fol- 
lowing message to the Tennessee Society of the 
Sons of the American Revolution: "Our New 
Jersey Society sends fraternal greetings to the sis- 
ter society so lately organized in Tennessee and bids 
her thrice welcome to our alliance and friendship. 
We do not forget that it was Southern heroes who 
humbled the Briton's pride long ere a shot was 
fired at Trenton or Monmouth, and we rejoice that 
to-day the descendants of those heroes reiterated 
■with us their faith in the fatherhood of Washing- 
ton and the brotherhood of the Sons of the Ameri- 
can Revolution. " To this Tennessee replies : ' ' Your 
hearty greeting just received. In it the voice of the 
indomitable heroism of Trenton calls to the chiv- 
alry of Kings Mountain. We, the Sons of the Vol- 
unteers of Kings Mountain, remove our hats 
reverently in the presence of the veterans of New 
Jersey, while we grasp your proffered hand, and 
will hold it in a union of these States while they 
hold the freedom Washington bequeathed to 
them." 

D. C. Kelly, 

President. 



MISSOURI. 
We can claim no battle field in the War of the 
Revolution, but our native and adopted sons, 



44 



equally with you, recognize the fact that New 
Jersey, at one period of the war was the strategic 
centre and chief battle field, and, perhaps the turn- 
ing point in our war for Independence. 

The ancestor of one of our members was Colo- 
nel Nicholas, who took part in the battle of Tren- 
ton. We have with us three direct descendants 
of the sister of General Washington and several 
descendants of the Washington family, and we 
pride ourselves in the fact that among our mem- 
bers are three whose fathers fought in the Conti- 
nental Army. We would offer this sentiment : 
The icy Delaware ne'er rolled so triumphantly as on 
that December night when crossed by Washington 
and his brave comrades. 

M. M. Yeakle, 

1st Vice-President. 



George Washington Ball, the nearest living rel- 
ative to the immortal Washington, writes regret- 
ting inability to be present with us. 

The Massachusetts Society sends cordial and 
enthusiastic words of salutation. "You do well," 
says their President, " in observing by a celebration 
an event which happened at the most disheartening 
period of the Revolution." 



REV. H. GOODWIN SMITH then said :— 

Mr. President : — There is no one present who 
more sincerely and fully agrees with the sentiment 
that John C. Calhoun should be here to respond to 
this toast than the one now upon his feet. 

I do not know, sir, whether it is from that 
sense of contrast which you dwelt on so eloquently 



45 



in your opening remarks that you call for a toast, 
to which is subscribed the aristocratic name of 
John C. Calhoun, to be responded to by a man by 
the name of Smith ! Or whether it is for the same 
reason that you ask that South Carolina be pledged 
by one whose birth-right in this Society is derived 
from ancestors in Massachusetts. (Laughter.) But, 
sir, this is a time, and this a place, when, as we 
see in the greetings which have just been read, 
Massachusetts and South Carolina can stand hand 
in hand and heart to heart. (Applause.) And, sir, 
I take it as one of the happiest illustrations and 
proofs of the value of a Society like this that we 
can find, looking back to the one common source of 
patriotism and inspiration, those who have in later 
years been so separated through narrower sectional 
differences, though possibly from a sense of equally 
patriotic motives and conduct. 

I said that I am a descendant from ancestors 
down East. I am proud of it. I do not wish to 
take any position of superiority towards you who 
live here in the middle section of the country or 
those who may come from the South or from the 
farther West, but I must be loyal to my own col- 
ors and say that I agree fully with the gentleman 
who, after traveling through this whole country, 
North, South, East and West, said that all his ex- 
perience of human nature in the United States led 
him to corroborate the truth stated in Scripture 
that " the wise men came from the East." 

Mr. Chairman, you asked me to respond to 
"The Guns of Moultrie," and I would like to take 
the map of Trenton, which Mr. Whitehead used,, 
and, without fear of contradiction as to historical 
facts from any one (excepting, perhaps, the hon- 
ored historian who told us so eloquently of the Bat- 
tle of Trenton) illustrate from it the contest at 
Moultrie. There was a great statesman, perhaps 



46 



our honored Governor, who created the phrase "the 
invincible ignorance of the people " regarding cer- 
tain questions. Now, sir, if the valor of those 
men who fought at Moultrie was as invincible as is 
my ignorance of their actions, their deeds must 
have been most fearless. I am not going to say 
much about the guns of Moultrie this afternoon,, 
for a very apparent reason. But I see that this 
toast is very comprehensive, it goes from South 
Carolina up to the spot where I am at present quar- 
tered — on the battle field of Monmouth. So, allow 
me, as the negro preacher said, to "branch " occa- 
sionally. Being asked why he did not stick to his 
text while preaching, he said, "If you preach a 
sermon you must stick to your text, but if you ex- 
hort you are allowed to branch." 

I have been a faithful attendant, sir, since the 
Continental days at these meetings of the Sons of 
the Eevolution, and as we gather around the festive 
board for the one hundred and thirteenth time to 
celebrate this grand victory, I must say that never 
throughout all that long vista of the past has my 
heart beat more warmly with patriotism, nor have 
I felt more keenly than I do at this present mo- 
ment and late day the grandeur of the event we 
now celebrate and the heroic spirit of those men off 
of whose virtues we are now dining. 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to take you to the 
field of Monmouth ; take you along by that beauti- 
ful and glorious shaft reared to the memory of the 
men who fought on that plain and there, gazing 
upon that tapering granite and speaking bronze, 
dwell for a moment upon the significance of that 
act. There is a patriotic painter in Freehold who, 
looking out for personal interest perhaps, wished to 
have the monument painted "in tasty colors," but 
I am sure that all of you who were present on the 
28th of June last will bear me witness that the only 



47 



color which the monument, and indeed the whole 
community thereabout, was painted, was a brilliant 
carmine hue which illustrated so fully the enthusi- 
asm and sentiment of those who were there gath- 
ered. Those hues, sir, did not fade away on the even- 
ing of the 28th of June, neither did they rest upon 
the noses of the participants, but to-day remain upon 
their cheeks in a flush of honest pride and enthusiasm 
as memory goes back to those who fought upon that 
field. Go with me to that battle field, and passing 
along the road where the retreat of Lee was made. I 
have always believed that Lee was trying to do 
right. It was Sunday morning and he knew where 
a good general ought to be and ought to lead his 
troops. He wanted to go back to church. As we 
pass along that road we see in advance of us a little 
sign which we feel sure marks the historic spot, 
and we begin to wish to take our shoes from off our 
feet, and our hat from off our head, for we are 
reaching honored ground. As we reach the sign 
with reverential feeling we read it — it says : " Buy 
the Singer Sewing Machine." Put on your shoes 
again and go a little further and finally you get to 
the spot in that field where the action of Washing- 
ton is commemorated, where I believe every one of 
us, with true enthusiasm, feels a thrill which will 
never be extinct in our American history when 
looking back upon that grand event. 

I do not wish, in any way, to disparage the 
memory of the great Father of Our Country. 
When, after the wonderfully short campaign at 
Trenton, he rushed on to Princeton, and then only 
nine days later achieved the victory there ; can we 
accuse him of undue haste, Sons of the Revolution ? 
Yet we will all agree that if Washington had pos- 
sessed fully that wonderful forethought with which 
so many have supposed he was endowed, in looking 
forward to a scene like this he would have seen 



48 



that those battles were fought a little too near to- 
gether. If he had only waited until the late Spring, 
Mr. Chairman, before fighting the battle of Prince- 
ton, we would have been able at every season of 
the year to celebrate a grand and glorious victory 
in New Jersey. I would not take one leaf from the 
wreath of praise to the memory of Washington, 
still we can see how our Society might have gone 
through the various scenes of the revolving year 
with meetings and dinners ; but even though our 
ancestors could win, within nine days, such glorious 
victories, I challenge any member of this Society to 
say that he would be willing, within nine days, to 
again celebrate, as we do here to-day, the mem- 
ory of this glorious past. 

" South Carolina and New Jersey," let us truly, 
Mr. Governor, renew those bonds. Would that 
the Governor of South Carolina might be with us 
(not so much to respond to the famous historical 
speech) as to 'see that through the sentiments ex- 
pressed in this organization we now are going on to 
a grand and glorious unity in this nation wherein 
the very causes of the separation will only serve to 
bring about a closer union. "Blessed is it for breth- 
ren to dwell together in unity," (I am not preach- 
ing — I am talking politics) but more blessed is it 
when brethren who have not been dwelling togeth- 
er in unity find that they can come together and 
unite over a chasm, thank God, no longer bloody ! 

GOVERNOR GREEN : The next toast pre- 
pared by the committee is : 

"The Continental Soldier." 

His blood watered the tree of liberty, whose 
fruitage has gladdened not only a nation, but the 
whole world. To which I have the pleasure to call 
on the Hon. Flavel McGee to respond. 



49 

HON. FLAVEL McGEE then said : 
Mr. President and Gentlemen : — There is one 
^reat point of difference, it seems to me, between 
the Continental soldier and ourselves — he had a 
good appetite but no dinner, we have had a good 
dinner but I don't' believe any of us has much appe- 
tite. It occurred to me that perhaps the reason I 
have been called upon to answer to this toast is a 
peculiar one. I have been thinking over it a little 
to see if I could find out why it is, and I have come 
to the conclusion that it must be because he was 
not there ; for, if Bancroft is right in his history of 
the Battle of Trenton, there was not a single Con- 
tinental soldier there. At that time the army of 
Washington was entirely composed of the militia of 
the different States. About that time he had sent 
a communication to Congress saying to them that 
the time of enlistment of the men was about ex- 
piring, that there was not more than six weeks left 
of it, and that unless they would give him permis- 
sion to raise a Continental or National army in that 
time he would be without troops, or an army of any 
kind, with the possibility of its not being replaced 
by others. Still, I suppose we must treat the sol- 
dier of that battle as if he were a Continental sol- 
dier, and certainly he was a Continental soldier af- 
terwards — at least many of him was — and he was 
a fair representative of those glorious men who car- 
ried courage and firm purpose through the dark 
days of the Revolution, and brought about succes- 
ses which have enabled us to come here as Sons of 
the Revolution and to eat this good dinner, and 
have this jolly time, because of the glorious results 
of their conduct. 

The Continental soldier was perhaps not a very 
polished sort of a man, but he was a man who 
meant just what he said all the time ; he was a man 
who meant business ; he was a hard man some- 



50 



times ; very often he was a Calvinist and believed" 
in all sorts of hard things. He was a man brought 
up in surroundings plain and meagre. He was 
without a furnace in his house ; he was a man 
brought up to rough it, but he was a man who 
could stand hardship, who had an earnest purpose 
and a devotion to one end ; the kind of man who 
could overcome difficulties better than a man 
brought up amidst more luxurious surroundings. 

One of the first lessons which the Battle of 
Trenton teaches us is, how much can be accom- 
plished by earnest devotion to a single purpose. 

Let us look at the surroundings of those people. 
It was, as has been well said, the very darkest hour 
of the American Revolution. The American Army 
seemed to be crushed almost out of existence ; there 
was just a little band here and there. Washington 
was comparatively in hiding at Morrisville. The 
British Arms were victorious all over. Cornwallis 
had gone to New York, and considered the war so 
near its end that he had obtained leave of absence 
to go back to England, and was going to leave the 
rest of the war in charge of his subordinates. Donop 
was down in Burlington engaged in ravaging the 
farms, beating the farmers, insulting their wives, 
and stealing their stock. Eahl was in Trenton and 
was so confident of his safety that he refused sup- 
port ; and with that condition of affairs, with the 
Delaware running full of ice between the armies of 
Washington and the British, with Congress in 
Philadelphia passing a resolution calling on foreign 
powers for aid, and saying that unless it came the 
war must soon be ended disastrously, and in addi- 
tion to that, Congress, a few days later, hastily ad- 
journing to Baltimore to avoid the troops of the 
British coming up the bay and river, it seemed as if 
the dissolution of the Republic was almost ap- 
proaching. 



51 



Then it was that the time of the Battle of 
Trenton approached, and there came that Christ- 
mas Day, when, with the British officers carousing 
in Trenton during the day and far into the night, 
Washington made up his mind to at once make 
this desperate attempt, the failure of which would 
have been fatal to the cause of the American Rev- 
olution. 

But see the troubles and dangers surrounding 
him then. At Bristol the officer who was to 
cross there was prevented by reason of the ice on 
the Jersey shore. Gates, who was to join him, in- 
stead of doing so, deserted his post and went to 
Congress with a view to looking after his own ad- 
vancement rather than the cause of his country. 
Notwithstanding all this and in the Winter time, 
with the current of the Delaware running many 
miles an hour, with great blocks of ice piling one on 
another, and rushing down with a flood such as only 
those who have seen it can appreciate, with noth- 
ing but small boats to cross in, that General, led by 
his trust in God, his intrepid purpose, his wonder- 
ful skill, and undaunted courage, got his men across 
in face of all these difficulties, and before the hour 
of dawn, through snow and sleet, with his soldiers 
thinly clad, with broken shoes, with the tracks 
from their feet, cut by the cruel roughness of the 
road, marking their trail with blood, he led his sol- 
diers to where the British Army, secure in its 
thoughtlessness, lay, not expecting any attack, and 
as the day broke, the fight commenced, the pick- 
ets were driven in, each effort at defence repulsed 
before it had fairly assumed definite purpose, and 
before the British knew it they were surrounded, 
overpowered and captured. 

Was there ever a time when there seemed to 
be such an impossibility, when General ever at- 
tempted anything that looked so unlikely of ac- 



52 



complishment as that ? It was nothing but the 
earnest purpose in that man's heart, that indom- 
itable will, that something which has always been 
successful and which always will be successful, 
which led him, with the aid of Providence, to the 
victory which overcame the British at Trenton. It 
was in spite of all obstacles, in spite of everything 
that was against him, that Washington, aided by 
the men who were with him, carried the day 
against that which would have been disaster, 
which would have been defeat, in the face of any 
less indomitable will or any less earnest devotion to 
purpose. 

What is the moral to us ? As Washington, in 
the darkest hour of the Revolution, wrested victory 
from defeat, so let us in all the hours which we are 
called upon to pass through in our lives, in all the 
political complications which we may be called up- 
on to meet, in all the various relations in life where 
our country seems to be in peril, whether it be in 
war, whether it be in peace, whether it be in bat- 
tle, or whether it be in politics, no matter what it 
be, let us remember that as Washington stood by 
his duty to his government in his time, and as that 
indomitable will and that indomitable devotion to a 
single purpose enabled him to conquer in the Revo- 
lution, so should we stand by every interest of this 
government, every interest of this nation, and hand 
it down to our sons, as he and those with him 
handed it down to us. 

There is another lesson to be learned from this 
matter and that is that we can seldom estimate the 
importance of events by the apparent magnitude of 
them at the time. 

What was this Battle of Trenton ? It hardly 
reached the magnitude of a battle, and it has been 
well called by our friend Mr. Whitehead an ''af- 
fair. " There were but a few thousand men engaged 



53 



on each side. Although the victory was a complete 
one, only nine hundred and fifty men, a thousand 
stands of arms and a little ammunition, were cap- 
tured. It was but a trifle compared with a large 
battle, and but a small affair compared with other 
events in our history. But what was the result of 
it ? It was the turning point in the great struggle 
for American Independence. Instead of Congress 
running from city to city, instead of the army be- 
ing a constantly retreating one, instead of the peo- 
ple losing heart, instead of foreign nations turning 
coldly from us, there was from that time on hope 
in the hearts of the people, there was recognition 
in foreign nations, there was a feeling that the cor- 
ner had been turned and that the American Army 
had passed from the road to defeat and was now on 
the way to victory. 

The Continental soldier fought under the 
greatest difficulties. Those men created this na- 
tion under God, and by the help of God they made 
it possible for us to be here as Sons of the Ameri- 
can Revolution celebrating the deeds of our ances- 
tors and keeping alive the memory of an event 
which made it possible for this nation to be what 
it is. What then is our duty, and what otherwise 
is the advantage of this Society ? It is pleasant to 
come together once or twice a year ; it is pleasant 
to eat a dinner and to listen to speeches ; but there 
is no great good accomplished by that if we stop 
there. The object of this Society is not only to 
keep alive the memory of these things, but to in- 
culcate in the minds of the men of this generation 
those principles which were in the minds of their 
ancestors, and which they fought for, and which 
we should hand down to our posterity as our 
fathers and grand-fathers handed them down to us. 
We have not the opportunity to be always on the 
battlefield nor to be always fighting with arms, but 



54 

there is never a century, there is never a decade, 
when matters are not arising in civil life which af- 
fect the safety of the country and which it is our 
duty to attend to, and as to which it is our duty to 
be on the side of the right, as our forefathers were, 
so that we may make this nation what it ought to 
be ; a nation fearing God, a nation respected abroad 
and respected at home ; a nation which shall al- 
ways stand for the right ; a nation which shall be 
one in which shall be nursed and reared the seeds 
of everything that is best. Is it a question of mor- 
als that comes into politics, it is our duty then to 
be on that side which stands for the best. Is it a 
question of finance, is it a question, no matter of 
what, it is our duty as members of the Society of 
the Sons of the Revolution to be informed about it, 
to know what it is, to know which side is right, 
which side is best, and which side will conduce to 
the greatest prosperity of the country and to make 
it the most useful to its citizens and to the nations 
of the world. 

In conclusion, let me add but one thing. You 
will have observed that in that battle, as in all the 
others, there were commands from all parts of this 
nation. You will remember that each man fought 
his best ; some fought near home and some abroad, 
and while we cannot all fight abroad or take part in 
the great affairs of State, while we cannot all serve 
our country in the halls of Congress, yet, as did the 
Jews after the Babylonish captivity, when they were 
rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem, every manbuilded 
the wall over against his own house, so let each one 
of us, as members of the Society of the Sons of the 
Revolution, as members of the Society of the Cin- 
cinnati, as members of every society which has at 
heart the welfare of the nation, each one, in his 
State, in his County, in his Township, in his Ward, 
do his best to make that particular locality the very 



55 



best for God and for the State, the very best to 
make the country what it ought to be, and to hand 
it down to the next generation better if possible 
than it was handed down to us. 

GOVERNOR GREEN : The next toast is :— 
" The Monmouth Battle Monument Associa- 
tion." 

May its finished work on Monmouth's field 
forever remain a tribute to the heroes and an honor 
to the " Sons of the American Revolution," and I 
call on Mr. Morris, the President of the State Com- 
mission, to respond. 

MR. MORRIS. 

Mr. President, Brethren and Gentlemen : — 
I am very glad that circumstances have been such 
as to enable us to listen this evening to the electri- 
fying eloquence of ' ' the fighting parson of Mon- 
mouth." Those are the kind of men we raise down 
there. But if you gentlemen had accepted the in- 
vitation which the Monmouth Battle Monument 
Association extended to this Society on the 28th of 
June last, to join with us in the celebration of the 
anniversary of the Battle of Monmouth, you would 
very readily understand why the honored Secre- 
tary of this Society was very particular in his re- 
strictions that I should occupy but ten minutes and 
should be very grave. The fact is that the elo- 
quence on that occasion was so protracted that I 
have a faint impression that some of the guests are 
still in the town of Freehold, not having yet been 
able to digest all that was provided for them on 
that day. My speech for this occasion, (and I say 
it with the utmost modesty) was begun on the 28th 
of June, 1778, when my maternal great-grand- 
father, Col. Ephraim Whitlock, on the battle field 
of Monmouth Court House, helped George Wash- 



56 



ington to wallop the British and to start them on,* 
that eighteenth century " March to the Sea." 

I believe in heredity and environment — those 
twin catch words of modern philosophy. 

I am profoundly gratified that I have in my 
veins the blood of patriotic ancestors. Nor the less 
grateful am I for an environment of patriotic asso- 
ciations. The best years of my life have been spent 
on the very soil that was responsive to the tread 
of such heroes as Washington, Wayne, Lafayette, 
Du Portaie, Eamsey, Knox, Green, Sterling, Steu- 
ben, Dickinson, Butler, Maxwell, Scott, and a host 
of others. 

It way be that I pass daily the very tree be- 
neath which, " Wrapped in a single cloak, Wash- 
ington and Lafayette laid down to rest" on the 
night before the battle of Monmouth Court House. 
And quite possibly my feet pass to and fro before 
the spot where, one hundred and eleven years ago, 
brave Molly Pitcher exchanged some Continental 
shin-plasters for that immortal red flannel petti- 
coat, clad in which the woman cannoneer of Mon- 
mouth goes down to history. The very air I 
breathe is fragrant with the memory of those 
sturdy, rugged heroes, who fought to make us 
free. 

I think, then, that you will concede to heredity 
and environment some share of this offering of 
mine to-day. 

The Norwegians, proud of their barren sum- 
mits, inscribe upon their rix dollars, " Spirit, loy- 
alty, valor, and whatever is honorable let the world 
learn among the rocks of Norway." We of Mon- 
mouth, proud of our patriotic record, adopt the 
legend: "Spirit, loyalty, valor, and whatever is 
honorable let the world learn among the fields of 
Monmouth." 

Henry Armitt Brown in the oration on the one 



57 



hundredth anniversary of the Battle of Monmouth — 
which he did not live to deliver — which to my 
mind is the most graphic, thrilling and compre- 
hensive account of the battle ever penned, refer- 
ring to the night before the battle, writes : " Who 
can foresee that to-morrow a deed shall be done 
that shall consecrate for all time this quiet Jersey 
village, and that the benedictions of a grateful 
people shall descend forever upon Monmouth Court 
House," and "Long shall that spot be neglected 
and forgotten, but the time shall come when on an- 
other 28th of June the sons of America, beneath 
peaceful skies, shall build with pious services upon 
the sloping field a monument to mark forever the 
place where the first shot was fired, and the Battle 
of Monmouth was begun." 

The descendants of the men who figured in 
that stirring event of 1778, though a century had 
passed, acting under the influence of the same pa- 
triotic impulses that inspired the heroic deeds of 
their ancestors, have erected an imperishable monu- 
ment to commemorate the imperishable deeds of 
their sires, and to-day it stands on the field of 
Monmouth Court House, a simple, massive, endur- 
ing type of the men who laid the granite founda- 
tions of this mighty Republic. 

I should do violence to my own sense of honor 
and justice did I fail to render tribute, now and 
here, to that patriotic son of New Jersey, to whom 
more than to any one else, is due the credit of erec- 
ting the first monument in the State to commemo- 
rate a Revolutionary battle. It will suffice to quote 
from the eulogy of the reverend gentleman who of- 
ficiated at the funeral obsequies of my lamented 
friends the suggestion that on the base of the gran- 
ite should be inscribed, " Sine Joel Parker non fu- 
isset." The pain and grief of his sudden " taking 
off " is mitigated by the knowledge that he was 



58 



spared to see the full completion of the work for 
which he labored so faithfully and so successfully. 

With the toast assigned to me is coupled the 
sentiment — Its finished work on Monmouth's 
fteld shall stand for all time a tribute to our sires 
and an honor to our " Sons of the American Revo- 
lution ! " 

To this then let us direct our thoughts for a 
moment. "Sunset" Cox, in his eloquent oration 
at the laying of the corner stone of the Monmouth 
Monument in 1870, said : " Is it not a part of our 
heritance, Sons of New Jersey, to remember with 
filial and pious gratitude the very death volleys 
which closed the lives of our ancestors on yonder 
field to regenerate our liberties ? The blood which 
moistened the sod of Monmouth or mingled with 
its rivulets under the shadow of its alders, was, and 
is ours forever ! It is holy ground. For a hundred 
years it has not been profaned. It has helped to 
give New Jersey its high name on the roll of honor 
— as the battle ground of the Revolution ! " 

And who were these sires to whose memory we 
have erected that stately shaft ? 

The Society of the Sons of the American Revo- 
lution is not cramped by any geographical limita- 
tions. Its ranks draw honorable membership from 
all over this broad land. So too at Monmouth 
Court House every section and province was repre- 
sented. 

Stirling and Hamilton from New York ; Knox 
from Massachusetts ; Greene from Rhode Island ; 
" Mad " Anthony Wayne from Pennsylvania ; Dear- 
born from New Hampshire ; Grayson, Scott, Dick- 
inson and Woodford from Virginia ; Lafayette from 
France ; Steuben from Germany ; and Molly Pitch- 
er from Ireland. 

"But it was New Jersey more than all com- 
bined, which made the most sacrifices upon this 



59 



-crucial test of the Revolution. It was her ' embat- 
tled farmers ' who withstood the shock of the con- 
test." 

Fitting indeed is it that to these sturdy, rugged 
ancestors we should raise monumental shafts tow- 
ering high above the plane of earthly ambition into 
the realms where "the Sentinel Stars set their 
watch in the sky." 

And to you, my brothers of this Society of the 
Sons of the American Revolution, let me bring a 
word of fraternal reminder : What has been done 
in Monmouth can be done on other battle fields 
where was waged the contest for liberty and union. 
Trenton and Princeton in their unmarked fields re- 
buke us for our want of patriotism and zeal. If 
the finished work on Monmouth field is an honor to 
our Society, the absence of any commemorative 
shaft on the fields of Trenton and Princeton is a 
signal discredit to it. Let the love and zeal and pa- 
triotism that burned so brightly in the hearts of our 
sires find reflection in our own hearts. Nay, not re- 
flection, but let it inflame our affections and desires, 
and direct our purposes. 

The New Jersey Society of the Sons of the 
American Revolution has a priceless heritage. The 
glory of these three great events belongs to all your 
countrymen alike, but the places that witnessed 
them belong to you ! 

In this era of Centennial commemorations let 
us pledge ourselves to the perpetuation in some 
worthy manner of the heroic deeds of our sires who, 
on these blood-stained fields, fought, not for ambi- 
tion, or greed, or personal end, but that ''military 
despotism and illegal exaction should not be fixed 
either upon the inhabitants of this grand country, 
nor to any who should come to it as an asylum. If 
we possess but a trace of the consecrated spirit that 
animated the illustrious men who met the scornful 



60 



sneer of George III. that "four regiments could 
conquer America," with a resistance so resolute and 
persistent that it surprised the world, we shall, ere 
this century passes, have imperishable memorials 
erected on every spot in this "fighting ground " of 
the American Revolution where was enacted any 
important event in that long chain of occurrences 
that culminated in the expulsion from our soil of 
every foreign foe. 

Let this, then, be the mission of the Society of 
the Sons of the American Revolution. 

To the accomplishment of this purpose let us 
consecrate time, talents, energy, means — everything 
that may be necessary for the full and complete at- 
tainment of our object and desires. 

Then when this has been done we shall share 
with our sires in the honor that shall be given to 
those who have laid broad and deep the founda- 
tions and reared high and stately the walls of as 
fair and princely a nation as ever entered in the 
vision of mortal man. 

GOVERNOR GREEN. The next toast is : 

"The Society of the Cincinnati in New Jer- 
sey." 

As were its founders so may their descen- 
dants ever be ready to "relinquish all to serve 
the Republic," and I call on the Hon. Clifford Stan- 
ley Sims, President of the New Jersey Society, to 
respond. 

The HON. CLIFFORD STANLEY SIMS then 
spoke as follows : 

Mr. President, and gentlemen of the New 
Jersey Society of the Sons of the American Revo- 
lution, it is my pleasant duty to make acknowledg- 
ment of the compliment you have so kindly ex- 
pressed regarding the Society of the Cincinnati in 
New Jersey. 



61 



The Society of the Cincinnati was formed at 

the Headquarters of the Continental Army on the 

Hudson Eiver, 13th May, 1783 ; the Institution 

there adopted contained the following : "It having 

pleased the Supreme Governor of the Universe, 

in the disposition of human affairs, to cause the 

separation of the colonies of North America from 

the domination of Great Britain, and after a 

bloody conflict of eight years, to establish them 

free, independent and sovereign states, comiected 

by alliances founded on reciprocal advantage, 

with some of the great princes and powers of the 

earth. 

"To perpetuate, therefore, as well the remem- 
brance of this vast event, in the mutual friend- 
ships which have been formed under the pressure 
of common danger, and, in many instances, 
cemented by the blood of the parties, the officers 
of the American army do, hereby, in the most 
solemn manner, associate, constitute and com- 
bine themselves into one Society of Friends, to 
endure as long as they shall endure, or any of 
their eldest male posterity, and, in failure there- 
of, the collateral branches who may be judged 
worthy of becoming its supporters and members. 

"The officers of the American Army having 
generally been taken from the citizens of America, 
possess high veneration for the character of that 
illustrious Eoman, Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus ; 
and being resolved to follow his example, by re- 
turning to their citizenship, they think they may 
with propriety denominate themselves, The So- 
ciety of the Cincinnati." 

" The following principles shall be immutable 
and form the basis of the Society of the Cincinnati : 

"An incessant attention to preserve inviolate 
those exalted rights and liberties of human na- 
ture for which they have fought andjbled, and 



62 



" without which the high rank of a rational being^ 
"is a curse instead of a blessing. An unalterable 
' ' determination to promote and cherish, between 
"the respective States, that union and national 
"honor so essentially necessary to their happiness 
" and the future dignity of the American empire." 

The Society was " for the sake of frequent com- 
munications" divided into State societies, and of 
these there were, of course thirteen, namely : New 
Hampshire, dormant since 1830 ; Massachusetts, 
with 334 original members and with a present 
membership of about 90 ; Rhode Island, with 71 
original members and with a present membership 
of about 40 ; Connecticut, dormant since 180-4 ; 
New York, with 230 original members and with a 
present membership of about 60 ; New Jersey, with 
98 original members and with a present member- 
ship of 85 ; Pennsylvania, with 291 original mem- 
bers and with a present membership of about 40 ; 
Delaware, dormant since 1802 ; Maryland, with 148 
original members and with a present membership 
of about 30 ; Virginia, dormant since 1822 ; North 
Carolina, dormant for many years ; South Carolina, 
with 131 original members and with a present 
membership of about 60 ; and Georiga, dormant for 
many years. 

But it is to the Society of the Cincinnati in 
New Jersey that your compliment is extended, 
and as it is with that organization you have the 
greatest interest, some account of it may not be 
amiss on this occasion. 

The Society of the Cincinnati in the State of New 
Jersey was organized at Elizabethtown 11th June, 
1783, when the officers of the New Jersey line met, 
and after considering the Institution of the order 
which had been adopted at Newburgh, New York, 
on the previous 13th May, unanimously resolved 
to become members, and chose General Elias Day- 



63 



tou, President ; Lieutenant-Colonel Jonathan For- 
man, Vice-President ; the Reverend Andrew Hun- 
ter, Secretary ; Major Richard Cox, Treasurer, and 
Doctor Ebenezer Elmer, Assistant Treasurer, and 
then adjourned to meet at Princeton on 22nd of 
September following. Of the foregoing, Doctor 
Ebenezer Elmer was the survivor of all the original 
members in New Jersey, and died president of the 
society in 1843 ; his only son, the Honorable Lucius 
Quintius Cincinnatus Elmer, was president of the 
society from 1871 until his death, in 1883. Since 
the meeting at Princeton on 22nd of September, 
1783, the society has met annually on 4th July, and 
no annual meeting has been without a quorum of 
the members being present. 

There were ninety-eight original members of 
the society in New Jersey, as before stated, and of 
these sixty- one are now represented in that society 
and the descendant of another has been transferred 
to the society in Pennsylvania ; there are, besides 
the foregoing, on the roll of the society in this State 
twenty-two names of representatives of officers 
who were not original members, and two names 
of representatives of the original members of the 
society in Pennsylvania transferred to this society, 
making the total membership 85. 

Of the seven existing State societies, that in 
New Jersey is the second in the number of mem- 
bers and is far in the lead of all the others in the 
proportion of original members represented. 

It is interesting to note that among the origi- 
nal members of the society in New Jersey are to be 
found the names of Richard Howell, Joseph Bloom- 
field, Aaron Ogden, and William Sandford Pen- 
nington, all Governors of the State ; and that of 
the other original members many were men of 
prominence in the State, as the Reverend James 
Francis Armstrong, a trustee of the College of 



64 



New Jersey from 1790 to 1816 ; General JohnBeatty, 
a member of the Continental Congress from 1783 
to 1785, and of the State Convention in 1787, mem- 
ber of Congress from 1793 to 1795, Secretary of 
State of New Jersey from 1795 to 1805, and a trus- 
tee of the College of New Jersey from 1785 to 1802 ; 
David Brearley, Chief Justice of New Jersey from 
1779 to 1789 ; Doctor William Burnet, a member 
of the Continental Congress from 1780 to 1781 ; 
Jonathan Dayton, a member of the Conti- 
nental Congress from 1787 to 1788, Speaker in 
1797, and United States Senator from 1799 to 
1805 ; Doctor Ebenezer Elmer a member of Con- 
gress from 1801 to 1807 ; William Helms, a mem- 
ber of Congress from 1801 to 1811 ; the Rev- 
erned Andrew Hunter, a trustee of the College 
of New Jersey from 1788 to 1804 ; and among 
the hereditary members are to be found the names 
of Charles Henry Baldwin, a Eear- Admiral in the 
United States Navy ; Jacob Burnet, United States 
Senator from Ohio from 1828 to 1831 ; the Rever- 
end William Henry Hornblower, a Trustee of the 
College of New Jersey, from 1864 to 1872 ; Lucius 
Quintius Cincinnatus Elmer, a Trustee of the Col- 
lege of New Jersey, from 1829 to 1864, and an As- 
sociate Justice of the Supreme Court of New Jer- 
sey, from 1852 to 1859 and from 1862 to 1869 ; Ho- 
ratio Seymour, Governor of New York, from 1853 
to 1855 and 1863 to 1865 ; John Cumming Howell, 
a Rear- Admiral in the United States Navy ; David 
Hunter, a Major- General in the United States Ar- 
my ; Elias Boudinot Dayton Ogden, an 'Associate 
Justice of the Supreme Court of New Jersey, from 
1848 to 1865 ; William Pennington, Governor of 
New Jersey, from 1837 to 1843, a member of Con- 
gress from 1859 to 1861, being Speaker during his 
term of service ; and James Walter Wall, United 
States Senator in 1863 ; many more names could be 



65 



added to this list, but enough have been given to 
show clearly the character and standing of the men 
who have composed the membership of 4 the New 
Jersey Cincinnati since 1783. As has been stated, 
original membership in the Society of the Cincin- 
nati was confined to officers, and the hereditary 
membership limited to one representative of each 
of such officers ; the Society of the Sons of the 
American Eevolution differs from this in that it ad- 
mits all the male descendants of any one who, as 
officer, or soldier, or sailor, or who as a civil officer 
appointed by any of the several States or by the 
Continental Congress, rendered actual service to 
the patriot cause during the Revolutionary War. 
The two organizations are similar in that both seek 
to preserve a representation and recollection of the 
men who so faithfully served their country from 
1775 to 1783 ; the principles set forth in the institu- 
tion of the Cincinnati could well be adopted by the 
Sons of the American Revolution, for they state 
only the duty of all citizens of this land. 

Every one fortunate in being entitled to mem- 
bership in either organization may well be proud of 
his inheritance ; not a pride of birth, but the par- 
donable pride of possessing an ancestry that is 
American, and of descending from those who by 
their services and sacrifices helped to found the Re- 
public ; the descendants from such an ancestry may 
be safely expected to be at all times ready to relin- 
quish all to serve the Republic." 

GOVERNOR GREEN : The next toast is :— 

" The Washington Association of New Jersey." 
The faithful custodian of a shrine of Revolu- 
tionary memories whose sacred fire shall forever il- 
lumine the pathway of Freedom. Dr. C. S. Stock- 
ton will respond. 



66 



DR. STOCKTON then said :— 

Mr. President and gentlemen of the Society of 
the Sons of the American Revolution. I am very 
glad to meet you to-day, though I am too busy a 
man to have been with you, were it not that my 
friend, and your friend, Mr. William L. King, of 
Morristown, N. J., came to me personally and invi- 
ted me to be here. In his bland and childlike way 
he said : " Doctor, we have a dinner, and I invite 
you to it." Of course I am always ready to partake 
of a good dinner and after he had secured my ac- 
ceptance he added : "We desire you to respond to 
the toast of the Washington Association of New 
Jersey." I felt then very much like the man who 
went to an artist to have a portrait of his father 
made ; he said to the artist : "I desire you to paint a 
portrait of my father." "Where is your father?" 
"He has been dead some fifteen years." "How 
then can I paint a picture of him ? " "I saw, sir 
you had painted a picture of Moses who has been 
dead for thousands of years." The artist, seeing 
the kind of man he had to deal with, said : "How 
old was your father, what was the color of his hair 
and his eyes, how much did he weigh, etc. ? " 
" Come in in a week and I will have a portrait of 
your father. " At the end of the week the man re- 
turned and was shown the picture ; he gazed upon 
it with tears trickling down his cheeks, and ex- 
claimed : "Yes, that is the picture of my father, 
but, oh ! how he has changed ! " Well, that's just 
about the way I felt when, after accepting the invi- 
tation to dinner, I was told I should have to make 
a speech. But Mr. King said : " You are to rep- 
resent the Headquarters Association, you are to 
speak on the Battle of Trenton and to the Sons of 
the Revolution " — a theme worthy the tongue of 
any orator. However, in order that I might not 



67 



exceed my time by so grand a theme, I put some 
thoughts down on paper, which I assure you will 
not keep you very long. 

As I understand it, I am here to-day, as the 
representative of the Headquarters Association to 
meet and greet the " Sons of the American Revolu- 
tion." The Headquarters Association is an organi- 
zation to foster and keep alive reverence for those 
whose deeds achieved the possibilities of the nation 
of 1889. 

And the Headquarters Association extends its 
greeting and congratulations to its Sister Associa- 
tion of the Sons of the American Revolution, shar- 
ing and cherishing the love and reverence due 
their noble ancestry for their daring and sublime 
deeds. 

" Looking Backward "■ is one of the most inter- 
esting books it has ever been my privilege to read. 
But that is fiction, and is really looking forward ; 
to-day we look back upon facts, as interesting and 
thrilling as fiction can paint. 

One hundred and thirteen years ago to-day, 
the battle of Trenton was fought, and its victory 
under Washington and his army made the cause of 
freedom and the nation's existence a possibility and 
sent its echoes thundering down the corridors of 
time until nation after nation has joined in the 
glad refrain and freedom is the watchword of the 
world. 

Of the Battle of Trenton, it is scarcely neces- 
sary for me, in this presence, to go into details. 
Suffice it to say that on the result of this action, 
apparently in a great degree, was suspended the 
fate of American Independence. As we approach 
its contemplation, we are amazed to find the whole 
army of Washington numbering less than 10,000 
men and at this time only 4,707 being fit for duty. 
Washington writing to Congress on the 20th, only 



68 



a few days before the battle, says, that ten days 
more would put an end to the existence of the army, 
and makes a last appeal for aid, by declaring he 
has a character to lose, an estate to forfeit and the 
inestimable blessing of liberty at stake. And again 
on the 21st he writes, that some enterprise must be 
undertaken or we must give up the cause. And 
yet again on the 23rd, he says, necessity, dire ne- 
cessity, compels the attack, and in anticipation of 
it "and the hope of success and victory prays, 
which heaven grant," he gave out that wonderful 
countersign which has ever been the synonym for 
freedom, "victory or death." 

The army was composed of young volunteers 
and ragged and shoeless veterans ; the weather 
cold, snowy and tempestuous. Picture if you can 
the struggle with the ice and waters on that fierce 
night of the 25th and the march of ten miles over 
frozen roads, the trail easily marked by the blood 
prints from the shoeless veterans, and we do not 
wonder at the countersign "victory or death." 

The eventful day, the 26th of December, 1776, 
has dawned, and ere its close, the welcome intelli- 
gence greets the ear of the young nation that its 
great general and his army have achieved a victory; 
capturing nearly a thousand of the enemy and with 
a loss of only two men. 

Glover, the man of Marblehead, a hero of the 
Long Island retreat was there. Webb, Scott and 
William Washington and James Monroe were 
there. Brain and courage, nerve and faith, and 
victory or death were there. 

The battle occupied less than an hour, but its 
finish was like the grain of mustard seed, which 
developed a tree under whose branches a thousand 
might take shelter. What a new experience this 
to the veterans. Marching back to camp with pris- 



69 



oners of war. This by an army almost reduced to 
extremity and ignored by the enemy. Philadel- 
phia was saved, Pennsylvania protected, New Jer- 
sey recovered and a victorious and powerful enemy 
laid under the necessity of quitting all thoughts 
of acting offensively in order to defend itself. 
Achievements so astonishing acquired an immense 
glory for the Captain General of the United States. 
All nations, shared in the surprise, and all equally 
admired and applauded the prudence, constancy 
and noble intrepidity of General Washington, and 
he, by all hearts and voices, was then and is now 
proclaimed the Saviour of his country. He retires 
to Morristown and establishes his headquarters 
there, and within the walls of this grand old 
structure he plans achievements which result in 
the confusion and overthrow of the enemy and the 
establishment of the grandest and best nation of 
all the earth. It is very meet and right then that 
we guard well the portals of these old headquarters, 
and point to it with pride, for there freedom to the 
world's inhabitants was born. 

We ascend to the roof of the grand old struc- 
ture and stand beneath the folds of the starry flag, 
and the present and the future, and the past as 
well, of all the nations is before us and in the pano- 
rama slowly passing we hail and greet the republics 
of Switzerland, Mexico, France, the United States 
of Columbia, and Brazil, and as in the dim distance 
we see in yonder harbor the Statue of Liberty, 
holding aloft the beacon light, so we see freedom 
stalking through all lands, and sooner or later the 
United States of America will welcome all the na- 
tions of the earth as sister republics. 

As I rose in response to a toast, I will close 
with Franklin's famous one in regard to Washing- 
ton. In company with an Englishman and a 
Frenchman, he was challenged that each should 



70 



give a sentiment in regard to their country, and 
the Englishman said : "England, the sun whose 
beneficent rays shine upon every nation" ; the 
Frenchman said : tl France, the moon whose beams 
cause the tides to wash the shores of every land." 
Then Franklin said: "George Washington, the 
Joshua of America, who commanded the sun and 
moon to stand still and they obeyed him." 



New-jeEseY-socieTY 



OF THE SONS OF THE 



•:^\MeRICftN • ReVOLUTION; 



Proceedings at the noth Anniversary of the 

Battle of Springfield, New Jersey, 

fought June 23rd, 1780. 



June 23rd, 1890. 
springfield, n. j. 



BATTLE OF SPRINGFIELD. 



The Society convened June 23, 1890, in the his- 
toric church at Springfield, New Jersey. 

The President, Josiah Collins Pumpelly, presi- 
ding. 

The meeting was opened with prayer by the 
Rev. William Hoppaugh, Pastor of the Church. 

The President then addressed the audience as 
follows : 

The Society under whose auspices we meet was 
organized a little more than a year ago. It was 
founded upon a basis of the purest patriotism and 
with the highest conceptions of the duties of citi- 
zens of the Republic. It purposes to revive the 
memories of the heroic past and to perpetuate those 
memories for all time. Among its members are de- 
scendants of those heroes and heroines who made 
the spot where we now stand holy ground. The 
flames which the enemy, a century and more ago, 
kindled in their quiet homes, set aglow a fire of pa- 
triotism which will be quenchless so long as the 
Republic shall bear a name. Our Society is an in- 
evitable outgrowth of that indomitable love of 
liberty which impelled the farmers and their wives 
and children to meet the sacrifices of 1780. 



74 



We come here to-day, pilgrims to this shrine of 
liberty, to recall the deeds of heroes, to rekindle 
the fire of patriotism, and to fortify the future with 
the lessons of the past. In furtherance of our 
plan, the Society has already celebrated the decisive 
battles of Eed Bank and Trenton. As the anniver- 
saries occur of other battles and of other events 
which aided in the establishment of American In- 
dependence and made New Jersey so famous, we 
purpose to commemorate each one with appropri- 
ate ceremonies. But those noble Jerseymen, who 
sacrificed life and liberty for their country, have a 
further claim upon the nation and upon us. They 
have slept too long in forgotten graves. The tan- 
gible evidences of a nation's gratitude should tower 
over their dust. Mercer gloriously fell at Prince- 
ton ; on that classic spot the commemorative shaft 
should be raised. Our State has other heroes 
whose memory should be perpetuated. 

To the battles fought on New Jersey soil we 
are indebted for what we are to-day. Success here 
made Saratoga possible and so secured the priceless 
French alliance. 

The New Jersey Society of the Sons of the 
American Revolution hopes to aid in this good 
work and will not rest until it is accomplished. 
Trenton will soon be honored with a monument 
sacred to the memory of the contest which turned 
the tide of defeat and made the Revolution a suc- 
cess. Our Society aided in bringing about this re- 
sult ; and it cannot any longer allow the veil of ob- 
livion to fall over the great men and the grand 
events of the past. This noble task is before us and 
we accept our part in the undertaking. 

The Society has not been idle in other direc- 
tions. It was desirable that such Societies as ours 
should be established throughout the Republic, and 
that they should be fostered by one National Asso- 



75 



■elation. So, soon after its formation, forecasting 
the future, hoping to bind all the States together 
by an indissoluble bond, we bent every effort to- 
wards the establishment of a National organiza- 
tion. 

In this effort we were eminently successful. 
Such an Association was formed, under the very 
best auspices, and with bright prospects for the fu- 
ture. Its first Convention was held at Louisville, 
Kentucky, on the thirteenth of April, 1890, and was 
composed of representatives from thirty States, 
who with a unanimity almost unprecedented, laid, 
broad and deep, the foundations of our Association. 
The members of that Convention came from all 
parts of the country and met together as brothers, 
stirred by the same patriotism which sent our 
fathers to battle at Moultrie and at Monmouth, at 
Kings Mountain and at Springfield. Louisville was 
a happy choice for our meeting. It was neutral 
ground when the States were once estranged, but 
now, on this memorable thirtieth day of April, a 
new bond of union was formed. The near past 
was forgotten ; but those times which tried men's 
souls were never out of mind. We met as broth- 
ers, sons of heroes, and with an unshrinking faith 
in each other's love for the Union, we swore anew 
on the altar of freedom, never to forget what our 
fathers had done. 

Citizens of Springfield, this anniversary is 
yours. We stand on consecrated ground ! We are 
gathered in an honored edifice ! We ask you to go 
with us from this place with a new inspiration to 
work for the best good of the country whose past 
history is rendered so sacred by the noble, patriotic 
deeds of its heroic men. 

The poem of Bret Harte, entitled " Caldwell at 
Springfield," was then recited with thrilling effect 



76 



by Miss Marie Louise Lyon, of Milburn, daughter 
of Mr. Sylvanus Lyon. 

The Eev. W. S. Crowe, D. D., of Newark, then 
delivered the following oration : 



BATTLE OF SPRINGFIELD. 



110th anniversary — june 23rd, 1890. 

In the old classic myths it was Mnemosyne, the 
goddess of Memory, who held the proud position as 
mother to all the Muses. A reverent study of the 
past inspires the arts of civilization. To recall the 
deeds of the forefathers is to arouse a sense of no- 
bility in the children. 

Just as no man is safe who forgets the simple 
joys and tender affections of his childhood, no na- 
tion is safe which neglects to honor the pure prin- 
ciples and the exalted heroisms by the power of 
which it passed from infancy to manhood. 

The Apostle says that when he came to be a 
man he put away childish things. Not all childish 
things, let us hope, for the real glory of manhood 
is to conserve the joy and the affection of early 
youth, and incorporate them at the very heart of 
the strength and thoughtfulness of riper years. 
The glory of our Republic will be to maintain, at 
the heart of its vast enterprises, and as the very 
life of its wide flowing energies, that simple love of 
righteousness and truth, that love of home and vir- 
tue, which was rocked in these battle fields of the 
Revolution as an infant Republic in its cradle. 

The most pathetic song that ever floated its 
melodies over the length and breadth of this land, 
the song with which Philip Phillips used to draw 
the showers of gentle tears, was that simple old 



TT 



house-song — " My Trundle Bed." It has made ten 
thousand men better and truer to hear it and to re- 
live under its sweet spell the dear home life of 
childhood, so sanctified by mother's voice and touch. 
We are here to-day to sing again, in these patriotic 
services, the song of the Nation's Trundle Bed. 

In all the outward measure of it, what a prim- 
itive, homely, insignificant affair was this Battle of 
Springfield ! There were hundreds of little skir- 
mishes during the Rebellion, which have quite es- 
caped the notice of historians, that were far more 
worthy to be called battles, if that word is to be 
judged by the flow of blood or by the number of 
combatants. This was a battle, about as this 
brook over which these historic bridges span is a 
river. 

One of the honored members of the Sons of the 
American Revolution was telling me the other day 
how an ancestor of the Colonial times, after great 
preparation and much discussion of the venture 
and many tearful goodbyes, loaded his effects and 
his family into an ox cart and started out bravely 
from Elizabeth town to "go West." That was be- 
fore Horace Greeley had given the advice. He 
made the journey. He went West ; but what a 
limited meaning the phrase had in those days ! He 
traveled toward the sunset seven miles into the Jer- 
sey forest, and there he founded a frontier settle- 
ment. In about that sense this affair at Spring- 
field, by any outward measurement, was a battle. 

Events, however, are not measured by the flow 
of blood nor reckoned up by the rules of addition 
and multiplication. Deeds, not years, tell the life 
of a man. The principles involved and the results 
dependent are the only true estimates of any hu- 
man conflict. There have been battles between 
Russia and Turkey in which ten thousand men were 
killed but which have no significance in the history 



78 



of the world. No intellectual or moral principle 
was involved ; whichever was victorious barbarism 
still ruled. It is not so important even that the 
fate of a nation hangs in the balance. It depends 
on the nation. It is all important, however, when 
the fate of the world's highest political idea is on 
trial for its life. 

In his "Decisive Battles of the World " Creasy 
recalls that Marathon was to determine whether 
Greek Art and Literature should continue ; Tours 
was to determine whether Europe should be Chris- 
tian or Mohammedan ; Hastings was to determine 
the fate of England ; Waterloo was to destroy or to 
make omnipotent the military despotism of Napo- 
leon. In like manner some battle during the Rev- 
olutionary War was to determine whether the 
principle of Republicanism was to live or die. 

Creasy makes the battle of Saratoga the deci- 
sive conflict of that war, because the news of Bur- 
goyne's defeat decided France to treat amicably 
with America's great Minister — Benjamin Franklin. 
Upon the assistance of the French, Creasy thinks, 
all American hopes depended. That is an English- 
man's estimate. 

The more I study the situation the more I am 
inclined to doubt it. I do not believe there was 
any battle of the Revolution more decisive than this 
bushwhacking little skirmish at Springfield. New 
Jersey was the pivotal State. The Short Hills were 
the key to the whole situation. If the British were 
firmly intrenched on those heights, Morristown 
would have been insecure. To lose New York and 
the Hudson was bad enough ; but to place neutral- 
ized or Toryized Jersey between Bunker Hill and 
Carpenter HaU would have been fatal. It was a 
great thing, of course, for the French to gain con- 
fidence in the courage and wisdom of these Ameri- 
can farmers ; but it was a much greater thing that 



79 



these minute men, who were now soldiering and 
now ploughing their fields ''with awkward Buck 
and Bright," should not lose confidence in them- 
selves. 

That was the calamity which daily threatened 
during the dark winter and spring of 1780. The 
war had dragged on so long that enthusiam for lib- 
erty was well nigh exhausted. Men were almost 
ready to accept peace at the cost of humiliation. 
Had Washington been driven from Morristown the 
spirits of heroes would have failed within them. 

The one fair sacrifice which flamed all hearts, 
a sacrificial death for the quickening of many, was 
the assassination of Mrs. Caldwell. Greater than 
" Horatius at the Bridge " were Agnell and Shrive 
and Lee at the Three Bridges of the historic little 
Rahway. It is not the statue on Bedloe's Island, 
but the tar-barrel on the hill back of Byram's Tav- 
ern, which sent forth a light to enlighten the 
world. No shot at Lexington or Sumter was 
more truly "heard around the world" than the 
boom of Springfield's old alarm-gun ; and the can- 
non which Miles Standish planted on the church, 
" a preacher who spake to the purpose, straight- 
forward, orthodox, flashing conviction right into 
the heart of the enemy," was not a more effective 
gospel than were the wadded hymns of Watts from 
the pulpit and the pews of this consecrated spot. 
The Jersey farmer had saved the day ; and the 
white dress of Miss Livingstone which the retreat- 
ing British thought a ghost may well have been the 
unconquerable spirit of liberty, reborn by this day's 
conflict in the breasts of Americans. 

Gentlemen, Sons of the Revolution, what is the 
principle for which your grand-sires fought ? Let 
us keep it clearly in mind. Let us teach it to our 
children as a sacred heritage. Let us recognize it 



80 



as the loftiest ideal which has ever yet been made 
practical in human government ; as, perhaps, the 
loftiest ideal which ever can be made practical in 
human government. It is this: The rule 'of an ed- 
ucated majority. Our fathers aimed at nothing an- 
gelic. Good, square, honest, robust manliness was 
enough for them. They bothered their heads with 
no dreams of Utopia ; they dwelt in no panaceas ; 
they did not live in cloudland, but on this stony, 
stumpy earth, and they were quite content to go to 
heaven when they died. They recognized that this 
estate was to be earthy for some centuries to come, 
and they did not start out to form an American 
Sunday School Picnic, but an American Govern- 
ment. They saw that men needed to be governed, 
and they set about the formation of a governing 
power in which there should be the largest possible 
liberty and the least possible tyranny consistent 
with a power that should govern. 

A. wise and good king might furnish an almost 
ideal government, but the difficulty has always 
been to get the wise and good king. No one man 
has sufficient knowledge, or virtues that are suffi- 
ciently comprehensive. The history of the world 
had too often justified the expression — "as igno- 
rant," or "as mean as a king." One man is so lia- 
ble to change his character ! It is quite too much 
like trusting the whole human race to the appetit e 
of Adam ! 

In order to secure themselves against sudden 
relapses of virtue, men began thousands of years 
ago to associate counsellors with their kings, in the 
hope that they would not all take to apple eating 
at the same time. Men began to feel out dimly af- 
ter that great common-sense principle that "every- 
body knows more than anybody." They had a 
halting sort of confidence also in the principle that 
everybody is better than anybody. Slowly, very 



81 



slowly, the world got its political eyes open to this 
supreme truth, that "the more people in the gov- 
erning body the better."' 

Greece had what was called a Eepublic, or a 
group of Eepublics, loosely confederated. Of what 
did a Grecian Eepublic consist ? Of the free citi- 
zens, i. e., of the free men of a city ; for that is the 
origin of the word — city-zen. Country folk didn't 
count. The free men of the cities perhaps amount- 
ed to one in forty or fifty of the population. Not 
very Democratic was that. 

The Dutch had a Eepublic, in which the gov- 
erning class was composed practically of the busi- 
ness men of the plucky little States. The voters 
were not more than one in twenty of the people. 
Eeal Democracy was still in the future, even as an 
attempted theory. 

Our fathers grasped it. The people should be 
their own government. "The people," of course, 
meant the white men ; but they had the right prin- 
ciple, and a principle will complete its own form in 
time, as a boy will grow to a man. 

For the people to govern can mean only that 
the majority shall govern, and through appointed 
agents. Even a majority can become tyrannical ; 
and as I study the work of our Eevolutionary and 
Constitutional fathers, the thing I most admire of 
all their wisdom, is the genius with which they pro- 
vided against the possible tyrannies of a majority. 
No wave of sudden impulse can sweep the field 
clear. Only a few times, and then upon long-contin- 
ued issues, has it been possible, either in the nation 
or in a State, to get the executive and both branch- 
es of legislature of the same political complexion. 
To have secured that bar against sudden and impul- 
sive legislation, that great veto-power of the minor- 
ity, was the work of the most consummate genius 



82 



that ever entered into the formation of a govern- 
ment. 

It is not simply the rule of a majority, but the 
rule of an educated majority that our fathers plan- 
ned. All these checks on hasty legislation are to 
hold the people back until the sober second thought 
has time to come into action. " The voice of the 
people is the voice of God," only when the people 
have carefully studied and completely mastered a 
problem. With freedom from sectarian impulse, 
and with a public press that takes peculiar delight 
in criticism ; with parties set upon each other as 
constant detectives, and with an educational sys- 
tem which is inwoven with our whole body politic, 
as the nerves with the muscles in a human frame, 
the watchword for this closing decade of the Nine- 
teenth Century, the battle cry for the incoming 
splendors of the Twentieth Century is, Forward 
along the same line ! 

We have not yet sounded the depths nor ex- 
hausted a tithe of the genius of the Government 
we have. This is no time for Socialism or An- 
archy. These are the two ideas which are magni- 
loquently struggling to become lions in the way. 
They are both as contrary to the fundamental 
tenets of our politics as were a king or a bandit. So- 
cialism would give the minority no privileges. An- 
archism would defy the majority. Bellamy's scheme 
would crush individuality. John Most's would in- 
augurate unbridled license. The majority have no 
right to enslave, and the individual has no right to 
rebel. We do not want either a machine Government 
or a Sunday-school Government. Nothing but orga- 
nization and no organization are alike repulsive to 
common sense and detrimental to progress. Per- 
sonal liberty and personal acquiescence must both 
be cultivated. Let us follow the path which the 



83 



Jersey farmers blazed through these primitive 
woods. Make the most of the public school. Keep 
church and nation absolutely separate. Give the 
widest and freest discussion to every human prob- 
lem. Educate, educate, educate and submit to the 
voice of the majority — only thus can the popular 
voice become God's voice. 

Well, my friends, it were a poor sort of cele- 
bration — quote unworthy of the day and the men 
we are gathered to honor, without some word con- 
cerning the improvement we have made upon the 
heritage they bequeathed to us. And here the 
orator, at least, has great liberty. Going West to- 
day is a very different thing from what it was in 
Great-grand-father Halsey's day. He didn't ride 
behind a steam locomotive. He didn't telegraph 
back home that he had arrived safely. He didn't 
buy the lumber already planed for his new house, 
nor light it with gasoline. There wasn't any cook 
stove nor sewing machine in that house. They 
didn't have canned goods and factory-made shoes 
in his new settlement. He didn't have a daily pa- 
per for breakfast nor olives and figs for dinner. He 
didn't sleep on a nice spring bed nor send his col- 
lars and cuffs to a Chinese laundry. Only seven 
miles west of Elizabethtown, but he was a long 
day's ride — i. e., as we must now measure it, a 
thousand miles from New York city. It was 
farther to Pittsburg a century ago than it is to 
Rome now. If they lived fifty years we are the 
Methuselahs. They had a few acres of ground in 
the wilderness, while we occupy the earth. Look 
at their homes, supplied almost entirely from the 
immediate neighborhood? Look at yours — with 
stone from Maine, wood from Michigan, marble 
from Mexico and Italy, glass from France, curtains 
from Holland, rugs from Persia, ivory from India, 
trinkets from every country beneath the sun ; gas 



84 



from the heart of the earth, and water from some 
foreign spring ; all the fruits of the tropics, all the 
animals of the frigid zone, and whatsoever passeth 
through the paths of the sea are laid under tribute 
to supply your table and your wardrobe. 

This is what we call progress. This is what we 
point to as our modern civilization — the machines, 
the storehouses, the ships and railroads, the banks 
and factories and the endless products of inventive 
genius. While we look at these results of discov- 
ery and science let us not fall into the mistake of 
supposing that civilization is a material thing. 
These are but the body of civilization, not the soul. 
The real motive power of progress is not steam but 
reason. The real treasures of the earth are not in 
safety vaults and ware-houses, but in the memory 
and the conscience of people. The nation's true 
wealth is not its gold and silver but its popular 
opinions and its moral sentiments. 

Suppose that a fire should lay waste the entire 
city of New York to-night, it would be a great 
financial loss, but the ten thousand kinds of work 
done there would not cease. The secrets of those 
countless enterprises are not in the machines but 
in the fertile brains of the workers. Houses would 
spring up as by magic, wires would be woven 
through the air as thick as spider webs in Septem- 
ber, and in a few months a greater and finer city 
would greet the tourist. Suppose, however, that 
by some mischance all the people of New York 
should awake to-morrow morning with a disposi- 
tion to lie and steal, and with a disinclination to 
read or think, and let that unfortunate mental and 
moral state persist for a year — business would be at 
a stand still, property would be almost valueless, 
men would shun the spot as they shun the small- 
pox. 

Carry that illustration still further. Suppose, 



85 



that by some strange calamity, all the physical 
products of human toil were instantly swept away — 
that the human race should awaken to-morrow 
morning upon a blank earth, that absolutely noth- 
ing which man had made was to be found ; not so 
much as a brick, or a nail, or a string, or a button 
upon the whole earth — would you say that civiliza- 
tion was gone ? Certainly not, for civilization is in 
the mind of man ; and it wouldn't be ten days, 
though he started without a hammer or a jack- 
knife, until some Yankee would have a steam en- 
gine well under way. Who shall deny that memory 
is the mother of the Muses ! 

Imagine, on the other hand, that by some pe- 
culiar disease all the people of the earth should die 
to-night, and that their bodies should turn to dust 
or vapor and blow away. Then imagine that by a 
more wondrous miracle another human race should 
be created to-morrow night and set down in our 
places ; but that this new created race should be 
Barbarians, as our remote ancestors were. They 
would not know what to do with our tools. 
They could not run our machines. They could 
not read our books. They could not feed them- 
selves in a city. They would have no use for 
our homes. They would seek the forest and lakes. 
Our buildings would decay, our machines would 
rust and fall to pieces. The rats would eat our li- 
braries and our money. Our farms would revert 
again to a wilderness. Our horses and dogs would 
degrade to inferior species. Wild and ferocious 
beasts would multiply. The house cat would give 
place to the wild cat, and in a century or two this 
would be once more a savage land with unknown 
ruins peeping here and there among the trees. 

Civilization means simply this, that through- 
out the ages of man certain ideas and f eelings have 
been stored up in the soul. This is God's great, na- 



86 



tural plan of redeeming the world from its barbar- 
ous condition— redeeming it as land is redeemed 
from a wilderness into a garden. 

This is the whole story of human progress — 
the getting away from a physical basis and up into 
the realm of the spiritual : and so it is that every 
school house retires a squad of policemen ; our 20,- 
000,000 of school children make our 23,000 soldiers 
a needless luxury : Emerson's essays are becoming 
better guardians of the peace than all the battle- 
ships a surplus-reducing congress can build ; a true 
and righteous idea, sown broad-cast, will wage a 
more effectual warfare than dynamite guns; the 
only reliable judiciary is a public sense of justice. 
The feeling of brotherhood which pulses through 
our American literature is better security than 
prisons and treaties. Civilization is thought — and 
sentiment — a spiritual, not a physical thing. 

"What a spiritual thing is this entire universe, 
anyhow ! Those of you who have read Starr King's 
great lecture on ;i Substance and Show" must have 
been deeply impressed with the feeling that some- 
thing else gives to matter its solid material appear- 
ance. We know that a block of marble, a bar of 
iron, a mountain, seems to be, in its physical con- 
stitution, a very hard, enduring and self-sufficient 
reality. Is it so ? Is the matter itself a thing of 
such enduring substance ; or is the matter but a 
show while the substance lies deeper in certain spir- 
it-like forces 3 Suppose you could withdraw from 
granite, iron or mountain certain unseen, immate- 
rial elements, would it be a surprise if there was 
nothing left that you could see \ Take the force of 
gravitation out of Mt. Blanc, and a child could toss 
it in the air like a ball of feathers ; nay, of itself it 
would rise immediately to the uppermost limit of 
the atmosphere, and could be puffed about by the 
breath of an insect's wing. Take the force of co- 



s; 



hesion out of that floating mountain, and it would 
dissolve into a dust cloud, gauzier than the smoke 
which curls from the chimney of a farmer's kitchen 
on a cool October morning. Withdraw the atomic 
motion from those floating particles, and the most 
impalpable vapor were dense and firm in compari- 
son with what would be left of Mt. Blanc. Excuse 
the American pronunciation. It would be, indeed, 
about as near a blank as you were able to imagine. 

As the forces of the universe, and not its mat- 
ter, constitute the substance of things, so, let us 
understand that civilization is composed of ideas 
and feelings, and that houses and machinery are 
but the forms which these spiritual realities as- 
sume. 

This was the deepmost conviction of our fore- 
fathers, politically interpreted. They built a gov- 
ernment, not for its own sake, but for man ; feel- 
ing that to be the best government which most 
faithfully protects and most loftily inspires men in 
their development of genius and character. Ours 
has approved itself, and therefore we love it. Like 
the material universe, it serves as form and body 
and rallying ground and abiding home for the vital 
forces of the spirit cf man. 

A gentleman said to me, half in excuse for this 
day's celebration : ' ' Oh, well, it is a mere matter 
of sentiment." Isn't that enough ? The entire 
Revolution was a matter of sentiment — liberty — 
home. A few ideas and a few emotions constitute 
the grandeur and glory of life. To think greatly 
and to feel nobly is man's divinest estate — and our 
only true conception of God. These mere senti- 
ments are the world's redemptive powers. 

During the exercises in the church patriotic so- 
los and quartettes were sung by Messrs. Wilbur 
<runn, air, D. S. Cameron, tenor, F. Schilling, j r 



88 



"baritone, and W. E. Harper, bass, under the direo 
tion of T. Schilling, director. 

The church was beautifully decorated by a com- 
mittee of ladies under Mrs. H. W. Graves, leader. 

A vote of thanks to the Trustees of the church 
and of the Town Hall, to the musicians, to Miss 
Marie Louise Lyon, to Mrs Graves and her assist- 
ants, who added so much to the enjoyment of the 
occasion by their artistic draping of the church, and 
to the clergymen of Springfield, was unanimously 
passed by the members of the Society. 

A special resolution was also unanimously 
passed, tendering to the Eev. Dr. Crowe the thanks 
of the Society for his oration, and requesting a copy 
of it for publication. 

The benediction was then pronounced by the 
Rev. M. C. Reed, of the Methodist church of Spring- 
field. 

The members of the Society, with their guests, 
then adjourned to the Town Hall, where a collation 
had been prepared. A blessing was invoked by the 
Rev. H. G. Smith, the chaplain. 

The first toast was then announced by the 
President, " New England against Old England, on 
New Jersey battlefields." 

To this a response was made, substantially as 
follows, by the chaplain, the Rev. H. G. Smith : 

REV. H. G. SMITH. 

I regret the feeling of divided allegiance at this 
time, and that loyalty to my own New England 
past would compel the utterance of some truths, 
concerning which I would fain be silent. But, in 
discussing the battlefields of the Revolution and no- 
ting the chronology of the engagements, it is self- 
evident that New England led off in the struggle ;. 
witness Lexington and Bunker Hill. She showed 
you Middle State men how to do the thing, and 
then was willing, in a noble and self-sacrificing: 



89 



spirit, to let New Jersey have the glory of the bat- 
tlefields that won the strife. And this meant more 
then than we can well imagine now. The differ- 
ent States or Colonies were the units ; the United 
States were, as yet, a nonenity. Jealousy and mu- 
tual distrust prevailed. New York taxed Connec- 
ticut imports and New Jersey ferryboats. New 
Jersey, in return, taxed New York for the land on 
which Sandy Hook light was built. She was wil- 
ling to let her light shine before men, but, like a 
good many Christians, she was perfectly willing to 
let some one else pay for the oil. So, through 
the sectional feelings and prejudices of the day, the 
abnegation of self shines forth with more glorious 
lustre in granting to you of New Jersey the proud 
possession of these sacred battlefields, which, of 
course, New England could have kept to herself if 
she had wanted to ! 

On the way to Trenton, when on that dark De- 
cember night, by the banks of the boisterous Dela- 
ware, Washington asked "Who will show us the 
way across ? " Glover, with his Marblehead fisher- 
men, stepped forward, and the nerve and endur- 
ance, developed by wrestling with wind and storm 
and wintry snows, opened the way to that won- 
drous New Jersey campaign that changed the as- 
pect of the war and brought the thrill of courage 
to despondent patriots. So, you see, it was New 
England that brought the troops over into New 
Jersey. 

Then, on these very fields, by scanning the 
lists of officers and forces, we may recognize the 
large part the Easterners played in these actions we 
celebrate. In point of fact, though New Jersey 
provided the board on which this grim game was 
played, we may see that New England very largely 
provided the men. And they were not all pawns, 
either. When Washington could not himself lead 



90 



to victory, it was " a wise man from the East" that 
led the Continental troops. At Trenton, New Eng- 
land men on one side and on the other made De- 
cember hotter than August to the Hessians. At 
Princeton, they tried the opposite tactics. They 
separated and spread themselves (New Englanders 
can do that when it is necessary) and so divided the 
British forces. But time would fail to tell of Na- 
thaniel Greene, and John Stark, John Sullivan (not 
from Boston), Maxwell, Poor and Read, Shepherd 
and Bailey, as well as many another man from the 
Eastern States, less known, but no less heroic in ar- 
dor and in sacrifice who came from their far-off 
homes and helped you in winning your victories 
here, whose ''blood stained the road from Wash- 
ington Crossing to Trenton." And this blood of pa- 
triotic martyrdom is the seed of our present enthu- 
siasm, yea more, far more, it is the seed of all the 
glorious and lofty-towering national life that now 
reaches up toward heaven and spreads forth its 
wide -branching interests and its uplifting inspira- 
tion to all the peoples of the earth. 

The President then read the second toast, and 
asked the Rev. H. C. Stinsonto respond. 

"Jersey's Fighting Parsons of the Revolu- 
tion." 

True soldiers of the Cross, who, with both 
sword and pen, rendered priceless service in estab- 
lishing American Independence. 

The response by the Rev. H. C. Stinson was as 
follows : 

REV. H. C. STINSON. 

As a guest of the New Jersey Society of the 
Sons of the American Revolution, commemorating 
with you the glorious event which took place on 
this soil 110 years ago, and enjoying with you this 
splendid collation, I am glad to have an opportuni- 



91 



ty to express my sincere appreciation of this unde- 
served honor. I rejoice with you to-day, as, with 
patriotic pride, you recall those days and those 
scenes amid which sturdy patriots, from whose 
loins you have sprung, resisted the oppression of 
British tyranny and made the land to resound with 
the acclamations of liberty and independence. Upon 
this day, especially, every descendant of those val- 
orous and patriotic Jerseymen, who fought and bled 
on Jersey soil, has just reason to be proud. For, 
sir, we must remember that there was a time when 
" little Jersey," as it was then called, became the 
pivotal State in the Revolutionary struggle, and if, 
as one says, "little Jersey was the Belgium in the 
Anglo-American conflict," then surely the spot up- 
on which we are now gathered must have been the 
Belgium within the Belgium. We heard this morn- 
ing, from eloquent lips, how in the dark days from 
'76 to '80, the State was overrun with hostile troops. 
The inhabitants were paralyzed with terror. The 
army became complicated and disheartened. It 
looked as though the colonies would fall into the 
clutches of the British Lion. But, sir, amid the 
prevailing gloom, amid the woes and perils of the 
hour, was born the determination in the hearts of 
thousands of valorous Jerseymen, that British 
tyranny and oppression must be crushed. Forthwith 
went the "minute men" in their hunting frocks 
and the companies of militia. Each man was sup- 
plied with "a good musket or fire lock and bayo- 
net, sword or tomahawk, a steel ramrod, worm, 
priming wire and brush, fitted thereto, cartouch 
box to contain 23 rounds of cartridges, 12 flints and 
a knapsack." 

The sturdy farmer left the furrow and the field. 
The lawyer closed his books and locked his office 
door. On many a store window hung the sign, 
" closed, gone to the War." Doctors left their pa- 



92 



tients. mechanics their tools, school-masters their 
classes. From all over the State in answer to the 
call for troops came the staunch yeomanry — their 
bosoms animated by one common purpose — the de- 
fense of their God-given liberties. Now. sir. in this 
mustering of troops from the different avocations- 
of life, in this rallying around a common standard, 
one group of men has been generally overlooked. 
One of the common mistakes of the Xew Jersey 
historian is the inconspicuous place he assigns to 
the parsons of those times. But we should remem- 
ber that when Xew Jersey was about to fall into 
the hands of the enemy, and despair was gnawing 
at the heart of hope, no class of men did more to 
keep alive a hopeful spirit or manifest greater ac- 
tivity in resisting the opposing forces than the 
Parsons of our beloved State. I do not say that 
the clerical profession as such deserves any more 
prominent place in Revolutionary history than 
other professions. But I do affirm that the signi- 
ficant part taken by the clergy in the great strug- 
gle has been too much disregarded. It is a com- 
mon error to look upon chaplains in the army as a 
necessary part of its methodical organization. They 
are looked upon as a set of half officers not dis- 
posed to do any fighting and caring very little for 
it. If such be your conception of these times or of 
the late war, do not, I beseech you. commit the 
blunder of making that the standard of a revolu- 
tionary chaplain. Say what you will of the supine, 
pusillanimous clergy of later times, you cannot 
make the charge against the stern preachers of a- 
hundred years ago. They were no cowards. They 
never shrank from duty. They never flinched in 
the hour of peril. From the pulpit and on the bat- 
tle field they exhibited the dazzling and glorious 
concentration of courage. They were grit and 
grace clean through. Bead those appeals which 



93 



* i thrilled the ranks and made each hand clutch its 
weapon with a firmer grasp." The harangues on 
the village green, the bold enunciation of the doc- 
trines of freedom, the rights of man, the character 
and end of all true government and the soul-stir- 
ring exhortations to duty in the resistance of mo- 
narchical oppression, are among the grand moral 
forces which sunk down deep in the consciences of 
men and upheld them in that great struggle for In- 
dependence. Nor did the heroism of the Eevolu- 
tionary parsons stop at speech-making. There was 
many a genuine hero who laid aside his clerical 
robes for the hunting frock and musket. Many a 
parson who exchanged the solemn duties of the 
sanctuary for higher duties of the field. Nor did 
they in time of action remain at the rear with the 
surgeons, their appointed place ; for, when the 
fight was on and the ranks might be seen to waver, 
somehow those old parsons got out of their place 
in the rear and were found in front of the regiment. 
Mr. President, I think you will grant with me 
that these facts furnish us with a peculiar signi- 
ficance. They suggest the inquiry : Why did the 
clergy venture into the field ? What motives im- 
pelled them? To answer this question satisfac- 
torily would require a volume written in the force- 
ful and eloquent style of your own distinguished 
historian. Suffice it to say, that the clergy's re- 
sistance to the arbitrary claims of power was based 
upon the most thoroughly conscientious grounds. 
They saw the palpable danger which would neces- 
sarily follow the establishment of English mon- 
archy. They sought to conciliate matters without 
bloodshed, but rather than surrender their liberties 
they would go with their congregations to the bat- 
tle field. They believed that the time had come 
when men must turn their ploughshares into 
swords and their pruning hooks into spears and 



94 



learn the art of self-defense against their enemies. 
It was no use to quote to those Eev. Parsons the 
Scripture, "resist not evil," for they matched it 
every time with some such scripture as " cursed be 
he that keepeth back his sword from blood." They 
expounded scripture very much like that old Eng- 
lish divine of whom I once read. One Sabbath he 
took for his text : "If thy brother smite thee on 
the right cheek, turn to him the other also," and 
forthwith preached a sermon on non-resistance. 
There was a man in the parish who hated the domi- 
nie with a bitter hatred, and at every opportunity 
picked a quarrel with the old divine. After the 
sermon, when the congregation had dispersed, this 
man accosted the dominie at the church door with 
an unpleasant remark about the sermon. At once 
a bitter discussion ensued, and the man determin- 
ing to put the sermon into application up with his 
hand and gave the parson a terrible smack on the 
cheek. True to his text the minister turned the 
other cheek and the brother smote him on that one 
also. "Now," says the dominie, there is another 
scripture which reads : " With what measure ye 
mete, it shall be measured to you again," and he 
proceeded to give the brother a sound flogging. So 
those fighting-parsons matched scripture with 
scripture and found enough in God's word to war- 
rant their returning measure for measure. I do 
not think I exaggerate when I say, that of the 
large number of parsons who fought in that great 
struggle, none are more deserving of lasting grati- 
tude than the fighting parsons of "little Jersey." 
No section of the country produced a band of more 
heroic, more fearless, more self-sacrificing parsons 
than those who fought on Jersey soil. Tradition 
and history gave us the names of Fithian, Hunter, 
Nevelling, North, Cox and Spencer. There was 
that Dutch reformed parson, stationed at Bedmins- 



95 



ter — Jacob Rutsen Hardenbergh. I fancy we can 
almost see him, as with Dinah Van Bergh on his 
arm and followed by a colored servant, bearing the 
Bible and hymn book he makes his way in pomp- 
ous fashion through the throng of farmers and 
their families to the church door. Reaching the 
pulpit steps, he buried his face in his hat and after 
breathing a silent prayer, he ascended to the pul- 
pit. What did he preach ? Practical politics, the 
duties of citizenship, resistance to British oppres- 
sion. So bold and scathing were his denunciations 
of British tyranny, that the enemy placed a reward 
of £100 on his head. For months this heroic 
Dutch parson slept with a loaded musket at his 
bedside. The denomination, however, which fur- 
nished the greatest number of fighting parsons in 
the great struggle was the Presbyterian. There is 
an historical reason for this. Let us bear in mind 
that the early settlers in the State were mostly 
Scotch covenanters, and their descendants, or in 
other words Scotch Presbyterians. Consequently 
the early churches were filled with the anti-Mo- 
narchical spirit, and from that day to the present 
patriotism and Presbyterianism have marched 
down the centuries hand in hand. History fur- 
nishes us with a score of names of Presbyterian 
soldier-parsons who fought on Jersey soil : Azel 
Roe, of Woodbridge, taken prisoner and confined 
in a New York sugar house. Nehemiah Greenman, 
of Pittsgrove, who hid in the woods to escape the 
enemy. Mr. Richards, of Rahway, who escaped 
capture by flight. Charles McKnight, of Shrews- 
bury, who was wounded at Princeton and treated 
with such cruelties by the enemy as to result in his 
death. There was McWhorter, of Newark, Chap- 
lain for a time of Knox's brigade ; then Rodgers, of 
Leamington, Chaplain of Heath's brigade ; then 



96 

Armstrong of Elizabethtown, who preached, prayed 
and fought with a brigade from Maryland. Ashbel 
Green, President of Princeton College, who in 
youth acted in the rank of an orderly sergeant ; 
Asa Hillyer, of Orange, an assistant surgeon, and 
Samuel Eakin, of Penn's Neck. The soil of New 
Jersey has been made sacred by the blood of that 
pure-souled, noble-hearted hero-parson, John Eoss- 
brugh, of the Forks of the Delaware. He was cap- 
tured at Trenton by a Company of Hessians, under 
a British officer. Seeing that escape was impossi- 
ble, and that his inhuman captors were bent upon 
taking his life, he knelt in prayer and calmly com- 
mitted his wife and children into the hands of his 
Maker. The bloodthirsty wretches could hardly 
wait until the prayer was finished, for while the 
petition was still on his lips they drove a bayonet 
through his heart and he fell forward in the ago- 
nies of death. They stripped off his clothing, muti- 
lated his body, and left him naked, weltering in 
his blood. Parson Duffield, another chaplain, had 
the body buried with proper services in the grave- 
yard of an adjoining church. I come now to speak 
of one fighting parson — New Jersey's " rebel high- 
priest" in the Revolutionary conflict. His name, 
let it be spoken with reverence and pride — was 
James Caldwell. At the first call to arms he was 
elected chaplain of the State brigade. When the 
news of the Declaration of Independence reached 
the brigade headquarters on July 15, 1776, the most 
intense excitement and enthusiasm prevailed. A 
Colonel of one of the regiments says: "At 12 
o'clock assembly was beat that the men might pa- 
rade in order to receive a treat and drink the State's 
health. When having made a barrel of grog the 
declaration was read, and the following toast was 
given by parson Caldwell : " Harmony, honor and 



97 



all prosperity to the free and independent United 
States of America ; wise legislators, brave and vic- 
torious armies, both by sea and land, to the United 
States of America. When three hearty cheers 
were given, and the grog flew round a main." 
That toast shows the true patriot, the soldier of in- 
vincible courage. No tongue can speak in language 
eloquent enough to give an adequate description of 
the conspicuous part he bore in the victory we cel- 
ebrate to-day. Poet, historian, orator, each in turn, 
have selected Parson Caldwell at Springfield, as his 
theme. Each may have caught some of the splen- 
dor of the scene, but the magnificence of the origi- 
nal transcends the power of imitation. That pic- 
ture of this fearless parson, fresh from the meet- 
ing-house, his heart heavy with the tragical fate of 
his wife, his patriotism intensified by the wrongs 
he had suffered, scattering the hymn books right 
and left among the ranks with the shout : " Now 
put Watts into them," — such a picture, under the 
inspired touch of a skillful artist, would be a mas- 
terpiece in the famous art galleries of the world. 

As one says of him : ' ' He was a man of un- 
wearied activity and of wonderful powers, both of 
body and mental endurance. Feelings of the most 
glowing piety and the most fervent patriotism oc- 
cupied his bosom at the same time without inter- 
fering with each other. He was one day preaching 
to the battalion, the next providing ways and means 
for their support, and the next marching with 
them to battle ; if defeated, assisting to conduct 
their retreat ; if victorious, offering their united 
thanksgiving to God, and the next carrying the 
consolations of the Gospel to some afflicted or dy- 
ing soldier." 

In the church yard of the First Presbyterian 
church of Elizabeth, you may read these words : 

' ' This monument is erected to the memory of 



98 

the Rev. James Caldwell, the pious and fervent 
christian, the zealous and faithful minister, the elo- 
quent preacher and a prominent leader amongst 
the worthies who secured the independence of his 
country. His name will be cherished in the Church 
and in the State so long as virtue is esteemed and 
patriotism honored." 

As we recall the memory of the dead to-day, 
many illustrious warrior spirits of the past take 
their stand before us. There are Alexander and 
Caesar, Frederick the Great, Napoleon, Wellington, 
Washington, Grant. Around each one of them 
may be grouped chiefs, or commanders, or mar- 
shals, or generals, or compatriots ; but there is one 
group about whom a State — a State, did I say ? yes, 
a nation — has encircled its undying praise ; a com- 
pany whose glory is undimmed and will shine forth 
forever, with calm and majestic splendor, and that 
company is Washington and the ''Fighting Par- 
sons of New Jersey." 

Addresses were made by Messrs. Benjamin 
Myer, Edward A. Arnold, sons of Revolutionary 
heroes. 

Patriotic solos and quartettes were sung by the 
same gentlemen who so added to the pleasure of 
the audience in the church. 

There were present several lineal descendants 
of the Rev. James Caldwell, the "*' fighting Parson," 
among whom was a grand-daughter, Mrs. Mulli- 
gan, of Palisades, N. Y., who had with her her 
grand-son. 





oriatrn 



PETER VANDERBILT SPADER. 



Peter Vanderbilt Spader became a member of 
the New Jersey Society of the Sons of the Ameri- 
can Eevolution on the twenty-third day of May, 
1890, and his name stands No. 116 on the list of 
members. He died on Monday, August fourth, 
1890, at New Brunswick, his native place, and 
where he spent the sixty years of his life. 

He was the son of Peter Spader, former Cash- 
ier of the old State Bank of New Brunswick, and 
was born in the bank building, which occupied the 
site where now stands the Free Library. He re- 
ceived his collegiate education at Eutgers College, 
and during all his life has manifested the strong- 
est affection for his Alma Mater. Shortly before 
his death he donated to that institution his very 
large and valuable library of several thousand vol- 
umes. 

Possessing ample means he never chose a 
profession, nor engaged in any business, but was 
enabled to cultivate his scholarly instincts, and 
indulge his scientific and literary tastes. He was 
ever a student and delighted in his books, of which 



102 



he was a great collector, with this peculiarity, that 
he never bought a volume unless he desired it for 
his own reading. 

His life was quiet and unobtrusive, but by no 
means an idle one. He loved the society of the 
scholar, of the learned and of the intellectual, and 
he was a student himself. He founded the New 
Brunswick Club, an association made up of gentle- 
men of culture and high social standing. Of this 
Club he was for many years a prominent and influ- 
ential member. 

For more than forty-three years Mr. Spader 
kept a record of his own Meteorological observa- 
tions, the results of which he published in an ele- 
gant volume at his own expense for private distri- 
bution among his friends, and scholars, who, like 
him, devoted their time to scientific studies. This 
book exhibits diligent and accurate calculations, 
and a profound knowledge of the subject of which 
it treats, and is remarkable for the absence of any 
evidence of the desire of its compiler to add any- 
thing to his own credit or honor by its publication. 

Mr. Spader was a man of unblemished charac- 
ter, of spotless integrity, and of the utmost frank- 
ness in all the relations of social and business life. 
Many public and private benefactions marked his 
unostentatious life, and not a few will ever remem- 
ber him with thankful hearts. 

His ancestry, by virtue of which he became 
entitled to membership in the New Jersey Society 
of the Sons of the American Revolution, was of the 
very best. He was the great grand-son of Abra- 
ham Quick, Colonel of the Second Battalion of the 
Somerset County Militia, of N. J., during the Revo- 
lution. 

He was a patriot of the old school ; not seek- 
ing office, nor induced to serve his country by 
hope for the rewards of office ; but firm, true and 



103 

unswerving in his efforts to advance what he con- 
sidered the true interests of the whole country ; 
ever cherishing the memories of the past and never 
faltering in his faith in the Republic and in its fu- 
ture. 

He was the first of our Society to become a vic- 
tim to the great destroyer. Let his memory ever 
be green and his virtues enbalmed in the grateful 
remembrance of his surviving comrades. 

At a meeting of the Board of Managers of the 
New Jersey Society of the Sons of the American 
Revolution, held on the fifth day of August, 1890, 
Messrs. Whitehead and Boggs were appointed a 
committee to prepare resolutions relative to the 
death of Mr. Peter Vanderbilt Spader. The com- 
mittee reported the following, which were unani- 
mously adopted : 

For the first time in our history death has in- 
vaded our ranks and he has chosen a shining mark. 
This Board, representing the Society and acting 
for it, records this estimate of our comrade, Peter 
Vanderbilt Spader: 

Resolved, That in Peter Vanderbilt Spader we 
recognize the true patriot, worthy of his Revolu- 
tionary ancestry, who has proved his patriotism by 
his benefactions to his fellow men, by his support 
of the educational interests of his native State, by 
his wise liberality which has enriched one of the 
leading colleges of New Jersey, and by his faithful 
discharge of the duties of a citizen of the Republic. 
That his quiet, unobtrusive life, devoted to schol- 
arly pursuits and scientific investigations, has been 
marked by those virtues which ever accompany the 
man of pure instincts and of large-hearted benevo- 
lence. 

Resolved, That these resolutions be sent to the 
New Brunswick papers for publication, and be 
spread upon the minutes of the Society. 



104 

Resolved, That the members resident in New 
Brunswick be requested to attend the funeral of 
Mr. Spader, as the representatives of the associa- 
tion. 



New-jeRseY-socieTY 



OF THE SONS OF THE 



,: A^S RICftN ' REVOLUTION.* 



Celebration of the 1 14th Anniversary of the 

Battle of Princeton, New Jersey, 

fought January 3rd, 1777. 



December 26th, 1890, 

NEWARK, N. J. 



BATTLE OF PRINCETON. 



The Board of Managers of the Society by reso- 
lution resolved to celebrate the battle of Princeton 
at the annual meeting of the association, to be held 
December 26th, 1890. 

The President appointed the following gentle- 
men, members of the Society, a Committee of Ar- 
rangement : Hon. John Whitehead, Chairman ; 
Henry E. Hatfield, Secretary ; Eugene S. Davis, 
Paul Eevere, Frederick Parker, John J. Hubbell, 
George R. Howe. 

The members of the Society assembled in the 
parlors of the Messrs. Davis, in Newark, on the 
twenty-sixth day of December, 1890, and after the 
transaction of the usual annual business, gathered 
around the table, which was bountifully provided 
with many delicacies under the direction of the 
Committee. 

The Divine blessing was invoked by the Chap- 
lain, Rev. Henry Goodwin Smith. 

At the conclusion of the banquet, Josiah Col- 
lins Pumpelly, the President of the Society, ad- 
dressed his fellow-members as follows : 

MR. PUMPELLY. 

The date upon which we are holding this meet- 
ing is itself fuller of eloquence than any words 



108 



which I can utter. The year 1776, which had 
opened with glowing hope, which had been made 
memorable by the promulgation of that declara- 
tion which announced the birth of a new nation, 
had been also characterized by defeat and a waning 
of patriotic ardor. Dark days had come, disheart- 
enment and almost despair. "If a plebiscite had 
then been submitted to the people," says Gouver- 
neur Morris, " two-thirds would have voted to re- 
main with the mother country." 

To the credit of some of our English kindred, 
it must be acknowledged that in these dark days 
their sympathy for our cause, and appreciation of 
the principles underlying the struggle, were una- 
bated. Wherever they were empowered to vote 
they endeavored to place men in Parliament who 
were favorable to the Americans ; and the Govern- 
ment seeking to conquer us was compelled to the 
base resort of mercenary soldiers, and these pur- 
chased slaves were the men that garrisoned Tren- 
ton, and held in subjection the new-born State of 
New Jersey. 

There was one man who was able to encounter 
this swelling of the tide, and he was no immacu- 
late saint either ; but a man brim-full of human 
passion, thoroughly cognizant of every impulse 
that sways men's actions, yet himself inspired by 
the highest motives of patriotism and personal du- 
ty. The Congress was sadly deficient in its concep- 
tion of the just demands of its army, and what was 
due to its Commander-in-chief. Common Generals 
would have thrown up their commissions in dis- 
gust, or even despair ; and there were many in 
Congress, and in the army itself, who desired — aye, 
who hoped — this from General Washington. 

But the 28th of December revealed a power, a 
sagacity, a stalwartness in the Commander-in-chief, 
surprising alike to his friends and his adversaries. 



109 



The enterprise of that eventful night revived hope 
in the bosom of patriots, and showed British parti- 
sans that Washington, like Paul Jones on his sink- 
ing vessel, was by no means thinking of surrender, 
but that he had just begun to fight. If any doubt- 
ed the results from a Hessian raid, they could find 
consolation a week later at Princeton. And fitting 
was it that Princeton should have been selected by 
the exigency to place its seal upon the undertaking. 
On the 26th of December the "Broad Seal of New 
Jersey " had legalized the American Revolution ; 
and now the Collegiate town, had in her turn, con- 
secrated it by her learning, by her memories, by the 
blood of her alumni. 

Well may the soil of our State have its peculiar 
hue, reddened as it is by patriotic blood. We are 
right to cherish such pride for a district which was 
more than any other the Flanders of the Revolu- 
tion. Upon the achievement at Princeton, where 
Washington commanded, Mercer bled, and Freling- 
huysen did brave deeds, hinged in great measure 
the fate of the country, and henceforth was to be 
dated a change in human affairs, an alteration in 
the balance of human power. 

It is to commemorate these men and their 
work that we are assembled here, and it is right 
for us to do so, for while ignoble men care little 
who were their ancesters (for the swine look not 
up to those who thresh for them the acorns), true 
men are awake to the advantage of honored ante- 
cedents and of being well fathered and well de- 
scended. Even to the parvenu there is something 
in honorable lineage. 

Several organizations have been formed with 
objects analagous to those of our own. The So- 
ciety of the Cincinnati is the oldest of all. It was 
begun with much hesitation and tribulation, its 
President doubting its expediency ; with many 



110 



changes incident to childhood and adolescence, it 
has attained age, if not some slight touches of se- 
nility. It earl} r burst the Constitution which served 
it for baby dress and now wants a new one to serve 
its advanced age. It, however, was always select, 
and for officers alone — never democratical. De- 
spite the consideration which that society demands 
from us, we are conscious of greater excellence in 
our plans, methods and conditions of membership, 
which enable us to meet far more perfectly the re- 
quirements of the times. In this opinion the New 
York Society of the S. E., we regret to say, take 
the opposite ground, as it is now formulating a 
constitution mainly upon the lines of the Cincin- 
nati. While we believe this to be a step back- 
wards we do not despair that there will yet show 
itself some neutral ground upon which we can 
both meet and find union if not uniformity. 

The descendants of those who commanded in 
the Revolution hold no social, moral or intellectual 
rank above the sons of the men who carried mus- 
kets or performed other duty equally important. 
There exists, therefore, no just reason why the 
sons of all who participated in the grand struggle 
that brought us forth a nation should not unite 
now in the same relations to do honor to the mem- 
ory and commemorate the deeds of the patriots of 
1776. 

From the frozen battle-field of Princeton came 
renewed hope for the new nation, and there the 
Continental Congress assembled to conduct affairs 
necessary for the co-operation of the thirteen sove- 
reign commonwealths. 

So also has Newark, the city in which we 
meet, a noble and lasting record. In the days of 
the Revolution her sons as soldiers, as home guards 
and guerillas, made life miserable for the enemy. 
Here, we remember, the company was raised whose 



Ill 



members were uniformed by the patriotic women 
of the town, and so obtained for themselves and 
for all the inhabitants of the State the proud ap- 
pellation of "Jersey Blues." Apt was the motto 
furnished by the city fathers who, when asked to 
christen the new ship of war Newark, had in- 
scribed upon her signal bell : 
" You guard the shore and we will keep the shop." 

Friends and comrades, to remain secure in 
vessel and shop we must cherish in our own hearts 
the patriotic ardor that our fathers before us pos- 
sessed, which inspirited them to exertions that 
made it possible for us to have vessels to guard 
and shops to keep. The blood from the unshod 
feet of Revolutionary soldiers reddened our soil ; 
the fire of homes made beacons for men on the 
march. This region in every direction was the 
theatre of conflict. Princeton was the Antietam 
of the Revolution, and New Jersey its Belgium. 
It is our call to keep these memories fresh, and by 
their aid to keep our own hearts warm and ready, 
if need be, to do as is becoming the children of our 
sires. 

The President then announced the toasts which 
had been prepared by the Committee. The first in 
the order of exercises was the following : 

"The National Society of the Sons of the Amer- 
ican Revolution." 

The Hon. Lucius P. Deming, of New Haven, 
Connecticut, Vice-President General, replied to this 
as follows : 

HON. LUCIUS P. DEMING. 

Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the New 
Jersey Society : — I feel that the fates have treated 
me very kindly by so ordering events as to bring 
fruition to my hopes and permit me to meet with 
my friends of the New Jersey Society of the Sons of 



112 



the American Revolution, and commemorate with 
you the event which brought a glorious morning 
out of the darkest night of our nation's history. 

I am grateful for the opportunity to be here, 
and yet I can but regret that he I am representing 
is not with you in person. Your invitation was to 
Dr. William Seward Webb, President of the Na- 
tional Society, a gentleman in every way worthy 
of the honorable position he occupies, and whose 
liberality and continued effort has made that Soci- 
ety what it is. All who meet Dr. Webb love him 
for his genial personal qualities, and honor him for 
his ability as an organizer and leader of men. It is 
cause for sincere regret that Dr. Webb is not pres- 
ent to speak to you the words of congratulation 
and encouragement which I know are in his heart ; 
and especially is this to be regretted as the celebra- 
tion of the battle which calls us together to-night, 
is the celebration of a victory in which his own an- 
cestor, a field officer under Washington, and a son 
of Connecticut, bore honorable part. 

Connecticut feet are not strangers to New Jer- 
sey soil, and I am not sure the justice of which 
New Jersey boasts to-day, and for which she is 
honored, may not be due to the Connecticut Laws, 
brought here by the colony from New Haveu, 
which in 1666 purchased the land from the Indians 
and laid the foundations of the City of Newark. 

If Connecticut helped lay out and people your 
cities and determine, in some degree, the character 
of your laws, you have returned the compliment 
by organizing the Connecticut Society of the Sons 
of the American Revolution, and, later, taking the 
leading part in organizing the National Society. 
We recognize your patriotism and perseverance 
in this work, and I desire to acknowledge the debt 
both organizations are under to you. Some have 
criticised the organization of the National Society 



113 

as untimely, and, personally, I deplore the fact that 
all Societies whose objects and principles are in 
harmony with our own, were not united in one 
grand organization, under one name. 

The time will come and, I trust, is not far dis- 
tant when all Societies founded upon service in the 
war of the Eevolution, will be united under one 
constitution, and will together labor for the accom- 
plishment of the patriotic purposes which impelled 
their founders and inspired the men of the Revolu- 
tion. 

The need for a revival of the spirit of '76 none 
will deny. The men who fought the battles and 
won the victories of the American Revolution, for- 
got self and self-interests, and to-day the world 
carves their names on imperishable tablets and hal- 
lows their memories. 

At the battles^of Trenton and Princeton, the 
one man, Grates, who, to advance his own ambitious 
aims, turned his back upon his comrades, and re- 
fused to obey his General, is execrated for his act, 
and his name does not appear in the brilliant and 
immortal roll of those who, in the cold and sleet of 
those wintry days, by their bravery and suffering- 
breached the walls of despair which enclosed the 
American people, and caused them to hear the 
echo of the Christmas Carols, and the sounding 
notes of the joy bells, voicing the reviving hopes of 
a nation struggling for the establishment in the 
New Woiid^ofinstitutions under which ail should 
be equal. 

When men forget the claims of country and 
the demands of patriotism, and ignore the tradi- 
tions of their fathers, in the mad effort to secure 
place and power and wealth, it is time to call a halt 
and consider whether we are not safer in the old 
paths, and whether our institutions are not surer 
of perpetuation if the men who are directing and 



114 

controlling them are actuated by the spirit of those 
patriots who founded those institutions. 

Democracy and equality are synonomous terms, 
and both are comprehended in our public schools ; 
and the man or organization which would change 
or supplant our public schools, is to be distrusted. 
The public school is the one arena in which chil- 
dren of all social grades, of every religious sect, of 
every nation and color, meet upon a common plat- 
form and learn that merit, and not money, leads 
to advancement, and that the child must work out 
its own destiny regardless of the social, political or 
financial position of the father. 

The Society of the Sons of the American Rev- 
olution is the evangelist of the century, seeking to 
revive the spirit of true patriotism — seeking to es- 
tablish more firmly distinctly American institu- 
tions, and to maintain them in their original integ- 
rity. In order to accomplish this work, it must 
look to the public schools, and see to it that they 
teach the principles embodied in the American 
Constitution, and crystallized in our free republican 
institutions. 

If our children are properly educated, then 
shall our Kepublic continue, and its flag — torn 
from the azure robe of night and set with radiant 
stars — shall continue to wave over lands of the free 
and homes of the brave. 

To the second — 

"The Maryland Society of the Sons of the 
American Revolution " — 

Gen. Bradley T. Johnson, President of the 
Maryland Society, was to have answered, but he, 
too, was prevented by the storm from attending. 

To the third— 

"The chief end of the Society of the Sons of 
the American Revolution : To keep alive the spirit 
of their fathers" — 



116 

A. Q. Keasbey, Esq., responded as follows : 

MR. KEASBEY. 

Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the So- 
ciety : — We are here to-day to commemorate one 
of the battles of the American Revolution — insig- 
nificant indeed as a battle, but important as a part 
of that great transaction. And we are here claim- 
ing to be Sons of that Revolution — lineal descend- 
ants of men engaged in that momentous work. 
Although when that work was done our fathers 
took care to provide in their constitution that no 
title of nobility should be granted, yet this title is 
ours, that we are lawful heirs of men who in camp 
or closet, by civil or military service, helped to lay 
the foundations of the government of the United 
States of America. This is a title of nobility which 
we can lawfully claim — a strain of noble blood 
richer than that which ran in English veins from 
the Norman conquest. 

"A race of nobles may die out, 
A royal line may leave no heir, 

Wise nature sets no guards about 
Her pewter plate and wooden ware. 

But they fail not, the kinglier breed 

Who starry diadems attain ; 
To dungeon, axe, and stake, succeed 

Heirs of the old heroic strain." 

That this line shall not die out, and that we in 
our day and generation may help each other to pu- 
rify and invigorate this heroic strain, is, as I un- 
derstand it, the chief purpose of this Society. 

It is true that other objects are stated in our 
constitution, — to collect and preserve documents, 
and to promote social intercourse and fellowship, — 
but the first and paramount purpose proclaimed is, 
"to keep alive among ourselves and our descend- 



116 

ants, and in the community, the patriotic spirit of 
the men who achieved American Independence." 

This statement of our purposes is remarkably 
comprehensive. The sons of Revolutionary sires, 
in these days so wholly changed, band themselves 
together and declare that they will keep alive the 
spirit of their fathers, not only in themselves — each 
in his own heart and life — but in their descendants 
— by preparing their children for like duties in a 
coming age, which may be yet more changed. And 
not only so, but in the community by their person- 
al conduct and effort in any sphere of public action 
they may be called to occupy. The historical and 
antiquarian part of our work may be interesting 
and useful, but far grander and more wide-reach- 
ing is its moral aspect — its bearing on the United 
States of to-day, and its possible influence on the 
America that is to be. 

This organization began more than a century 
after the foundation of the Government. The old 
Society of the Cincinnati seemed to be fading in the 
mists of the past. We seemed to be leaving our 
Revolutionary memories behind, in the swift rush 
of our modern life. But then came the thought 
that great as we have grown to be, we must not 
forget our beginnings, nor lose the spirit of those 
through whom our greatness was made possible. 

And so this societ}' was organized in March, 
1889, just one hundred years after the time when 
Washington was preparing to pass through New 
Jersey on his way to the inauguration in New 
York. How shall we now — the descendants of 
men who crowded about him in Wall street in 
April, 1790, — try to keep alive their spirit, in the 
changed conditions of this time ? One century 
never brought such a change to any country. 
There were then in all the states of the new Union 
fewer white inhabitants than now exist within 



lis- 
ten miles of Wall street. Less than four millions 
in all and about one-fifth of them slaves. Of the 
white population most were of English ancestry, 
and substantially one people, with institutions 
and traditions derived from the mother country 
from which they had just severed. Now there 
are sixty-three millions, made up of all nations 
and languages, and including free colored inhabi- 
tants nearly three times as numerous as the entire 
population of the original states and a foreign born 
population also three times as large as the white 
inhabitants of the country at the opening of the 
government. 123,000 were landed from abroad 
during the last Summer. 

I need not refer to other stupendous physical 
changes in our national condition. It is not the 
time to indulge in boasting of our vast increase in 
territory and in national wealth and power. It has 
become too familiar for exultation that since 
Washington passed through New Jersey one hun- 
dred years ago, our territory has increased from 
less than three hundred and fift} r thousand square 
miles contained in the original thirteen states, to 
nearly four million square miles now composing 
our national domain, so that the great oceans are 
our boundaries, and one can stand on our north- 
western shores and see the coast of Asia across 
Behring Strait ; that one can traverse the continent 
by three lines — north, central and south — in the 
time that Washington took to pass from Mount 
Vernon to New York ; that we can whisper mes- 
sages of business or friendship from the Atlantic to 
the Mississippi ; that in wealth and in influence on 
the markets and the policy of the world, we have 
attained the foremost rank among nations. 

It is not of these things I would speak, after 
the manner of the Fourth of July orators of our 
earlier days. 



118 



But I wish only to draw attention to the 
change in the numbers, condition and characteris- 
tics of the people among whom we purpose to keep 
alive the spirit of the Revolution. And especially 
to one most important change in their condition — 
the increase of the urban population. 

These are matters that must be taken seriously 
into account, when we talk of preserving the tra- 
ditions of our fathers. In 1790 there were only six 
cities of over 8,000 inhabitants ; and in these there 
were only 131,472 persons — about two- thirds of the 
number now forming the population of Newark, 
and only about four per cent, of the population of 
the whole country. 

In 1890, as far as can be estimated from the 
published results of the census, eighteen millions 
live in cities of over 8,000 inhabitants, being more 
than 23 per cent, of the whole population. There 
are over eleven millions living in cities of over 50, - 
000 inhabitants. In New Jersey, 798,800 live in 
cities of over 5,000, being about four-sevenths of the 
entire population of the State, and here 540,625 live 
in cities of over 50,000, being more than one- third 
of the whole. And the increase of urban popula- 
tion within the last ten years has been about six 
and a half millions — twice the number of all the 
whites in the countiy one hundred years ago. 

And at this moment a plan is earnestly urged 
to establish in New York, out of all the adjacent 
municipalities, one great city which shall embrace 
under one government a vast metropolis which 
shall contain at the outset nearly as many inhabi- 
tants as the original thirteen States, and shall soon 
become the great city of the world. 

And this drift of the streams of human life to 
great central reservoirs must go on throughout the 
country, for it seems to be the tendency of man- 
kind, as civilization advances, to mass themselves 



119 



in cities, and to promote in all ways the co-opera- 
tion and centralization of human energies. 

When we consider the development of this 
tendency in this country, it is almost appalling to 
hear the statement with which Andrew D. White 
begins the leading article of Tlie Forum for this 
month, that "Without the slightest exaggeration 
we may assert that, with very few exceptions, the 
city governments of the United States are the 
worst in Christendom — the most expensive, the 
most inefficient, and the most corrupt. No man 
who has any considerable knowledge of our own 
country and of other countries can deny this." 

Looking then upon the people of this country 
as a whole as they are now at the opening of the 
work of this Society, we see that of that vast 
■' community" into which we, claiming to have in 
our veins the blood of men who achieved the Eevo- 
lution, propose to infuse their spirit, eight millions 
are the descendants of slaves, as many or more are 
foreign born, and eighteen millions live in large 
and ill-governed cities. 

These are significant facts — well worth our 
study when we reflect upon the task we undertake 
— to keep alive in a community so composed, the 
spirit of the men who fought at Princeton and 
Monmouth. 

And we must consider also the vast changes 
which a century has worked in the condition, the 
aspirations, the power, and above all the conscious- 
ness of power, of this great section of the human 
race now constituting the United States of Amer- 
ica. It is impossible in the brief space allotted to 
me even to allude to these great changes. I can 
only suggest a few prominent points. 

All the citizens of this great community, in- 
cluding slaves and their descendants, and foreign- 
ers, whom our liberal and much abused laws have 



120 



made citizens, not only have votes, but have be- 
come conscious of what voting power means. 

They have not only secured their standing 
place, but they have got a firm hold on the Archi- 
medean lever with which they can move the politi- 
cal world— and they are tugging at it with their 
might. There is danger that it shall prove a blind 
and destructive might, pulling down the edifice in 
which they are suffered to exert it. 

Fifty years ago Carlyle spoke of the great body 
of the people as "the inarticulate dumb masses." 
Our masses are no longer inarticulate. They are 
speaking in a mighty voice. It may well be said 
that their sound has gone into all the earth and 
their words unto the ends of the world. It is 
heard in the multitudinous cries of labor, in wrath 
at old restrictions, and in prayer for better condi- 
tions. It rages sometimes in insane denunciations 
against government and social order. It seizes the 
press which was once the organ of wealth and 
privilege, and makes it the trumpet call of popular 
rights and the expression of the supreme power of 
a democracy. It will not be coerced or cajoled 
into silence. It must be heard, it can be controlled 
only by reason and it will be quieted only by jus- 
tice. 

Not only here, but everywhere, and notably in 
Great Britain and the new German Empire, the 
tongue of the people, so long dumb by birth or 
stifled by force, is now loosed, and those who seek 
to rule or guide the people — Avhether they be the 
Nobles of England, the young Emperor of Ger- 
many, or those who claim lineage from the men of 
the devolution — must listen to it in the right spirit. 

Fortunately for us, who boast of our lineage, 
we cannot shut our ears to it as the ruling classes 
of France did a century ago. If we could we 
might meet their fate. 



121 

We know that this voice of the people, uttered 
in so many forms and places, is one which ought 
not to be stifled, but listened to in patience and 
anxious desire for justice. Cardinal Manning, in 
an article published a few days ago, declares as to 
England, "The present condition of our laboring 
people is one of Avide-spread unrest. They are 
sore and discontented. The world of capital is 
alarmed and combining for its defence. The world 
of labor is uniting to demand a fuller and fairer 
share of the products of their skill and toil. Every 
city and town has its unemployed ; millions are in 
poverty ; agriculture languishes ; land is going out 
of cultivation ; trades are going down ; mills and 
furnaces are working half-time ; strikes run 
through every industry. Is there a blight on our 
mountainous wealth ?" 

This is a gloomy picture indeed, but may it 
not, with some toning down, portray the condition 
of things on this side of the Atlantic ? Here also 
labor is in a state of unrest, and capital is alarmed. 
Here also, as at this moment is painfully shown in 
this city, strikes are creating misery and poverty. 
Here agriculture languishes, and our "embattled 
farmers" are upsetting old political dynasties in 
South Carolina, and demanding extreme forms of 
state socialism, and they are very different men 
and fight with very different weapons from those 
of Lexington and Concord. 

Within this month, in a large city in California, 
there has been a determined effort to crush a prom- 
inent newspaper which would not be subservient, 
not by the crow-bar as in Ireland, but by the boy- 
cott enforced through all possible channels of in- 
fluence and in open defiance of an injunction of the 
court. 

Here, also within the month, in the city of 
Newark, the police have felt compelled to suppress 



122 

a public meeting called to glorify assassins, and 
commemorate the anniversary of the execution of 
the Anarchists at Chicago. 

I have made these general observations, to 
bring out in strong contrast the different condition 
of the people of the United States in 1790 and 1890 
— the three millions of one century and the sixty- 
three millions of the next, and in view of these 
changes to ask you, gentlemen of the Society of 
the Sons of the Revolution, how shall we, however 
pure and direct may be the strain of our Revolu- 
tionary blood, assume such a task as to keep alive 
in this community, so unlike all the great commu- 
nities of the past, the spirit of our fathers ? How 
can such a little leaven avail to leaven such a vast 
incongruous lump ? 

And yet the task is not one from which we 
ought to shrink. Indeed it is one imposed upon us 
by inheritance. As to this duty, we may use with- 
out arrogance the expression of the old French 
grandees — noblesse oblige. 

As to the vast colored race in this country, 
numbering already three times the population of 
the original States, and rightfully holding their 
share of political power, we have a most serious 
and perplexing duty. 

As to the foreign element which has been so 
freely infused, and may without some restriction 
still more profoundly change our condition, we are 
charged with responsibilities which we cannot 
avoid. 

As to the increasing population of the great 
cities, our duties are still more urgent and difficult. 

And as to the great struggle to combine the 
forces and better the condition of labor, the ques- 
tion " Am I my brother's keeper?" is one which 
every man who claims to have the patriotic spirit 



123 

of those who achieved the Ke volution must answer 
in the affirmative in some sense. 

No man can read that most remarkable book, 
just now creating such intense feeling, " In Dark- 
est England, and the Way out of it," — crying out 
for help to save "the submerged tenth," — without 
the conviction, especially as he thinks of the con- 
dition of our great cities, that he is, according to 
his position, and is bound to be, in proportion to 
his power, his brother's keeper. 

And if we claim to be of "that kinglier breed," 
we are charged to make good our claim, by such 
influence on the masses of humanity about us as 
shall give us a share in the work of 

Sweetening wan Labor's bitter cup, 

And, plucking not the highest down. 
Lifting the lowest up." 

And we must also recognize that, in view of the 
social changes going on about us, the old doctrine 
that the State is governed best which is governed 
least, is not true at this day, or of this country 
but that having already made great and safe strides 
in the direction of a true State socialism, we must 
soon be prepared to make more, and must strive to 
make them wisely. 

And when we again ask how, in respect to the 
matters to which I have alluded, as well as in 
other fields of duty, as we enter upon a new cen- 
tury of national life, we shall reach the chief end 
that we have proposed for our Society, let us not 
despair because we cannot do great things, but let 
us call to mind these words of Henri Frederic 
Amiel in his wonderful Journal : "Civilization is 
first and foremost a moral thing. Without hon- 
esty, without respect for law, without the worship 
of duty, without love for one's neighbor — in a 
word, without virtue, the whole is menaced and 



124 



falls into decay, and neither letters nor art, neither 
luxury or industry, nor rhetoric, nor the police- 
man, nor the custom house officer, can maintain 
erect and whole the edifice of which the founda- 
tions are unsound. The ultimate ground upon 
which every civilization rests, is the average mo- 
rality of the masses, and a sufficient amount of 
practical righteousness. Duty is what upholds all. 
So that those who humbly and unobtrusively ful- 
fil it, and set a good example thereby, are the sal- 
vation and sustenance of this brilliant world, which 
knows nothing about them. Ten righteous men 
would have saved Sodom, but thousands and thou- 
sands of good homely folk are needed to preserve 
a people from corruption and decay." 

In these remarkable words we may find en- 
couragement for our efforts to fulfil our chief end. 
We shall have, I trust, no battles to fight, to draw 
forth the heroic virtues of our fathers. We shall 
take, perhaps, no leading part in this world drama 
of American Democracy ; but we can strive to be, 
and can train our children after us to become, the 
good and homely folk — true sons of worthy sires — 
whose growing thousands distributed amongst 
alien elements throughout this vast land, and 
drawing their inspiration from this Society, shall 
indeed leaven the whole lump, and preserve the 
country our fathers bequeathed to us — to whatso- 
ever proportions it may grow, and howsoever it 
may still further change — from corruption and de- 
cay. 

And dow, gentlemen of this Society — fellow- 
heirs of those who founded the country now grown 
to such magnificent but dangerous proportions, — I 
ought to ask your pardon for dwelling so seriously, 
on this festive occasion, upon the object first named 
in our constitution, forgetting too much its other 



125 



important purpose, that of promoting social inter- 
course and fellowship. 

Yet I am sure you will agree with me, that 
there is no nobler or more gratifying fellowship 
than that which unites and inspires those who are 
proud of their forefathers in keeping alive their 
spirit in the country which they founded and 
adorned. 

To the fourth toast — 

The American farmer in the "times that tried 
men's souls " — 

The President, in some most felicitous words, 
called upon the Hon. A. W. Cutler, of Morristown, 
to reply. 

HON. A. W. CUTLER, 

Mr. President : — The toast to which I am to 
respond should remind me that I should be histori- 
cal, rather than argumentative ; local, rather than 
general. 

But New Jersey should present a fruitful field, 
from which we should gather examples, and we 
should cherish their memories because of their 
valor, their integrity, and their love of country. 

Time will only allow me to mention three, and 
the difficulty occurs at once in the selection ; for 
the field is so large, and the number so great, that 
we do injustice to the many by not including them 
in the list. 

William Livingstone was the first Governor of 
New Jersey under the Constitution of 1776. A 
resident of Elizabethtown, a statesman by profes- 
sion, a warrior by necessity, he early allied himself 
with the cause of Freedom, and, with the trite 
saying, "Whoever draws his sword against his 
prince must throw away the scabbard," he entered 
into the conflict with all the energy of his young 
lif e ; and for a time he was spoken of and referred 



126 



to as "Doctor Flint," because of an expression he 
used in his address when first inaugurated as Gov- 
ernor, when he said : "Let us both by precept 
and example encourage a spirit of economy, indus- 
try and patriotism, and that public integrity and 
righteousness that cannot fail to exalt a nation, 
setting our faces, at the same time, like a flint, 
against that desolateness of manner and political 
corruption that will ever be the reproach of any 
people." 

The Legislature was a wandering body, meet- 
ing at one time at Trenton, then at Princeton, at 
Pittstown in Hunterdon county, and at Haddon- 
field. 

The Governor and immediate family were com- 
pelled to leave their home — and for three or four 
years made their home in Parsippany, in the 
County of Morris ; a County memorable in those 
times for the number of stalwarts who resided 
there — for there was the home of the Greens, the 
Kitchells, the Symmes, the Conclicts. 

At Haddonfield the act establishing the Com- 
mittee of Safety was passed ; a body consisting of 
twenty- three persons ; a body invested with every 
power, almost, except life and death. New Jersey 
was the battle ground of the Eevolution, and the 
Committee of Safety played no small part in secu- 
ring the victory that perched on our standards ; 
and the history of New Jersey in the struggle for 
Independence will never be complete until the ar- 
chives of that body are unsealed and given to the 
public. 

He was a practical farmer, and upon his farm 
at Elizabethtown he bestowed great attention, and 
New Jersey is largely indebted to him for our fine 
fruits ; and our reputation as a fruit growing State 
was largely due to the importation of valuable fruit 



127 



trees, made by William Livingstone, the farmer 
Governor of New Jersey. 

Then comes William Alexander, generally 
known as Lord Sterling. His farm was in the 
County of Somerset, and embraced some six or 
eight hundred acres, near Baskingridge. It was a 
farm that had no equal in New Jersey. 

Jones, the Tory historian of the day, — who 
bore Stirling no love — speaks of him in no compli- 
mentary terms, when he says : "He cut a splen- 
did figure, he having brought with him from Eng- 
land horses, carriages, a coachman, a valet, butler, 
cook, steward, hair dresser, and a mistress." 

He was an ardent patriot — a power in his 
County and State ; he was the commander of the 
first battalion ; he was a soldier "brave to rash- 
ness " ; he was promoted to a Brigadier General at 
the battle of Long Island ; he was captured by the 
enemy ; subsequently he was exchanged for the 
Governor of Florida, and, with his brigade, he 
commenced the fight at the battle of Trenton ; 
then he was promoted to the rank of Major Gene- 
ral, and was with Washington at the battle of 
Brandywine ; on the bloody field of Monmouth, at 
the most critical period of that battle, he checked 
the advance of the British, and secured the plaudits 
of Washington. 

On that day Washington plucked the garland 
from the head of General Lee, and placed it upon 
the brow of "my Lord" Sterling — for he always 
addressed him as such, and spoke of him as " his 
Lordship." 

There was no General in the army more con- 
spicuous than he, and it is said that, next to Wash- 
ington, he possessed the most marked presence of 
any commander in the army. 

Then comes William Winds — a hero in every 
sense of the word. A General — he was born to com- 



128 



mand ; a man of great physical strength — he was 
large in every sense of the term : large-hearted, 
large-framed, large-voiced, he neither knew fear 
nor danger ; "where duty called he went"; he was 
as imperious on his farm as on the field of battle, 
and required the same obedience from the laborer, 
as he did from the soldier. His farm was near 
Dover, in Morris County. 

We find him a Captain in the old French War, 
and as a Major (with a royal commission) of a bat- 
talion in Canada, he was at Ticonderoga with Aber- 
crombie. He was a King's Justice of the Peace 
for Morris county at the time of the passage of the 
Stamp Act. He deemed it oppressive. As a Jus- 
tice of the Peace he could scarcely evade it ; but he 
did, by substituting the bark of the white birch 
tree, and his writs and warrants were issued upon 
the bark of the white birch, and woe be to the con- 
stable or officer who refused to execute it. 

During the Eevolution we find him intrusted 
with the execution of the most dangerous and del- 
icate tasks. He was ready in expedients, and, as I 
have said, he was large-voiced — truly a Boanerges. 
On one occasion he unexpectedly came upon a de- 
tachment of British soldiers, and he frightened 
them off in his loud and steutorious voice to his 
own few soldiers : " Open to the right and left and 
let the artillery through ! " It had the desired ef- 
fect, for the British fled. On another occasion, 
when about to attack the enemy on a Sunday 
morning, he made this short address to his soldiers : 
"Brother soldiers, to-day, by the blessing of God, 
I mean to attack the enemy. All you that are 
sick, lame, or afraid, stay at home, for I don't want 
sick men, lame men can't run, and cowards won't 
fight." 

Many traditions of his voice are handed down. 
Once, in starting from his home to Morristown, on 



129 



business, he saw his flock of sheep in a field of 
grain. He was " mad all through." He called to 
his man, Ogden, and said : 

" Ogden, go and kill every one of those sheep." 

To order was to obey. Winds kept on his way, 
and Ogden kept on killing ; but when about a mile 
on his journey, Ogden heard Winds' voice ringing 
in the air : 

"Ogden, hold your hand ! Ogden, hold your 
hand ! " 

And Ogden stopped. But he had killed seven 
sheep before he heard the order to stop. 

But the most delicate task entrusted to him, 
was the arrest of Governor Franklin, the Royalist 
Governor of New Jersey. A dispatch of Governor 
Franklin's had been intercepted by Lord Sterling, 
and was by him placed in the hands of Governor 
Livingston, and upon reference of the matter to 
the Committee of Safety, it was determined to ar- 
rest the Royalist Governor. It was a delicate and 
yet a hazardous undertaking. It required prompt- 
ness and courage, as well as delicacy, and its exe- 
cution was intrusted to General Winds. He proved 
himself equal to the emergency, and the arrest was 
successfully performed. 

I have thus rapidly sketched the three ideal 
farmers of New Jersey in the Revolution. Living- 
ston, the statesman ; Alexander and Winds, the 
heroes and fighters ; and all of them patriots, re- 
turning at the end of the war, like Cincinnatus of 
old, to their farms, covered with honor and glory. 

The last toast provided by the Committee was 
the following : 

Gen. Mercer, who fell at Princeton, and the 
heroes who sacrificed life in the establishment of 
American Independence. 

It was expected that the Hon. W. S. Throck- 



130 

morton, of Freehold, would have replied, but the 
storm, unusually severe, kept him at home. 

The efficient historian of the Society, Mr. A. 
D. Mellick, Jr., was not able to be present, very 
much to the regret of all the members. He sent 
the following: reminder that, although absent in 
the body, he was still present in the spirit : 

BEFORE AND AFTER THE CHRISTMAS HOL- 
IDAYS OF 1776. 

One hundred and fourteen years ago — the win- 
ter of 1776-77 ! What a memorable time for the 
thirteen colonies then in revolt against the British 
Crown — for the forty-two United States now con- 
stituting the proudest Republic the world has yet 
known ! And for none of those States were these 
momentous events more fateful than for the little 
one lying between the Hudson and the Delaware, 
whose soil was then, for the first time, trembling 
under the oppressive heel of a foreign host — our 
own New Jersey. 

We must believe that all sons of the American 
Revolution are eager students of their country's 
history, and, as such, are familiar with the gloom 
and despondency that attacked and almost over- 
whelmed the Jersey people during the closing 
weeks of the year 1776. And they know, too, how, 
happily, a rift then appeared in the black cloud of 
disaster that had so long enveloped the American 
arms, and that a bright gleam illumines the page 
which records the close of the first year of our na- 
tional independence. It was when these black 
clouds of adversity hung lowest over the American 
cause, almost obscuring hope, that, suddenly, amid 
the darkness this bright light shot athwart the na- 
tional heavens. The patriot army whose achieve- 
ments on that cold and sleety morning of the 26th 



131 

of December, 1776, have been celebrated by poet,, 
painter, and historian, and whose brilliant flank 
movement eight days later made historic the 3rd 
day of January, 1777, has given to our country's 
annals the names of Trenton and Princeton. These- 
are names which Jerseymen may speak of with 
just pride, for they stand for two engagements- 
which at that time entirely altered the current of 
Revolutionary affairs — completely changed the as- 
pect of the Revolutionary contest — and mark a pe- 
riod that will ever be considered one of the great 
epochs in American history. 

These final actions in the series of events of the 
campaign which commenced with the battle of 
Long Island, possess for us, in their dramatic inter- 
est, far more than the mere brilliancy of the con- 
ception of these movements by Washington, and 
their successful accomplishment by his devoted of- 
ficers and army. They tell the story of a revival 
of hope in the hearts of the people, and a re-conse- 
cration of their lives and fortunes to the cause of 
independence. This is especially true of the yeo- 
manry of New Jersey, for they may be said, from 
that time forward to have ever faced the foe, and, 
up to the time of the cessation of hostilities, to- 
have been the persistent and relentless pursuers of 
the enemy. 

While those of us who boast a New Jersey 
Revolutionary ancestry reflect with much pride 
upon the valiant services of our forefathers- 
throughout the contest with Britain, we may also 
acknowledge without shame that for a few weeks 
previous to the end of the year 1776 our ancestors, 
staggered by their misfortunes and the miseries 
and dangers that were visited upon their families 
and communities by an inhuman foe, appeared in- 
clined to abandon a cause which seemed wholly lost, 
and to turn their efforts and endeavors to the pres- 



132 

ervation of the lives and property of those who 
were near and dear to them. We should not read 
history aright did we fail to make this discovery.' 

One need not delve very deep in Revolutionary 
annals in order to find excuses for a people who, 
inhabiting an open agricultural country where the 
sound of war had never been heard, were loath to 
attach their fortunes to an army apparently on the 
eve of being annihilated. With Irving, we need 
not wonder that peaceful husbandmen, seeing their 
quiet fields suddenly overrun by adverse hosts, and 
their very hearthstones threatened with outrage, 
should, instead of flying to arms, seek for the safe- 
ty of their wives and little ones, and the protection 
of their humble means, from that desolation which 
the British were sowing broadcast. 

As the close of the year 1776 drew near, our 
State's cup of misfortune would seem to have been 
full and overflowing. Its Legislature had been 
driven by an approaching enemy from Princeton 
to Trenton, from Trenton to Bordentowa, then on 
to Pittston, and from there to Haddonfield, where 
it had dissolved on the 2nd of December. The 
army, almost destroyed, had abandoned the State ; 
a General, high in the estimation of the people, 
had been captured, and the citizens in great num- 
bers were going over to the enemy. We, whose 
patriotism and love of country have been fed by 
the inheritance of over a century of national feel- 
ing, can have but a small appreciation of the 
doubts and uncertainties that attacked our fore- 
fathers in those darkest days of the Eevolution. 
That so few made their submission to the Crown is 
the wonder, not that so many should have proved 
faint-hearted, and lost faith in the cause that 
seemed so promising but a short year before. It 
must be remembered that in the bays and harbors 
rode a lordly fleet, flying the flag that had been an 



133 

object of affection and reverence to the colonists. 
Distributed throughout New Jersey was a thor- 
oughly equipped and disciplined army, officered by 
veteran soldiers and supported by the prestige of a 
stable and powerful government. And upon what 
opposing powers and resources were our New Jer- 
sey ancestors leaning ? Upon a Continental Con- 
gress that was totally without power or authority 
of enforcing its own edicts ; upon a collection of 
petty provinces inexperienced in self-rule, none of 
which possessed armories, strong fortresses, or 
works of any character for furnishing the muni- 
tions of war ; upon the ragged remnant of an army 
that had been driven across the State by a victo- 
rious enemy, an undisciplined force of raw recruits, 
commanded by a man better known in Virginia 
than in New Jersey, who was entirely without ex- 
perience in the handling of large bodies of men, 
and who, since leaving Boston, had been defeated 
in all of his military enterprises. Time, the great 
average-adjuster, had not yet declared the retreat 
from Long Island to equal some of the most impor- 
tant victories in history. 

It is then eminently fitting that our New Jer- 
sey Society of the Sons of the American Revolu- 
tion should hold its annual celebration in the last 
week of December, for we are justified in consider- 
ing the turn of the year 1776-77 as the great focal 
point in the history of the Revolution— a period 
from which powerful influences radiated that 
moulded the future and insured the independence 
of our country. With the capture of the Hessians 
at Trenton, with the battle of Princeton fought 
and won, and with the little army, that had ac- 
complished such wonders, secure in its retreat 
among the Morris hills, an immediate change came 
o'er the spirits of the Jersey people as well as of 
those of the country at large, and the despondency 



134 



of the close of the preceding weeks gave way to an 
almost jubilant confidence. Washington, who 
was considered to have retrieved the honor of the 
country, had won the approbation and esteem of 
every grateful American. On the 27th of January 
he wrote to Gov. Cook, of Rhode Island : "Our 
affairs at present are in a prosperous way. The 
country seems to entertain an idea of our superi- 
ority. Recruiting goes on well, and a belief pre- 
vails that the enemy are afraid of us." It was 
even so ! The pendulum of public opinion had 
swung to the other extremity of its arc. The peo- 
ple expected that the American army, small in 
numbers, poorly clad, badly fed, and with but little 
training, would prevail against Howe's well-ap- 
pointed force of veteran soldiers. Strange as it 
may appear, this expectation was not altogether 
without realization. That at times the Americans 
did successfully cope with the enemy, and that, 
though often suffering privations hitherto almost 
unknown in the annals of warfare, they continued 
to harass the foe, and ultimately triumphed, can 
largely be charged to the fact of superior general- 
ship. In addition, the extent and variety of the 
country, with its inimical population and alert mi- 
litia, made a British success barren of results. 
There always remained an army — though a ragged 
one — in the field. It was not like European fight- 
ing, where often one great action would be decisive 
and end a war. 

Upon no element among the citizens did the 
events of the time we are chronicling have a more 
marked effect than upon the militia of our State, 
and from that time forward they became most im- 
portant factors in the struggle. Revolutionary lite- 
rature teems with warm tributes to the yeomanry 
of New Jersey. In them was a military force, 
unique in the history of warfare. Far be it from 



135 



rue to decry the inestimable services of the men of 
the Continental Line, — their bones lie under the 
sods of too many well-fought battle fields — but the 
New Jersey militiamen stand as distinct figures on 
the Revolutionary canvas, and their praises cannot 
be too often or too loudly sung. They well de- 
served the liberty for which they fought, and the 
remembrance of the self-sacrifice with which they 
exerted themselves in behalf of freedom and inde- 
pendence, is a heritage dearly prized by their de- 
scendants, who now enjoy all the blessings that 
flow from their valuable services. 

Tolstoi claims that the real problem of the 
science of war is to ascertain and formulate the 
value of the spirit of the men, and their willing- 
ness and eagerness to fight. The Russian author 
is right. Could this always be done, it would often 
be found that large armies, thorough equipment, 
and perfection of discipline, do not invariably carry 
with them assurances of successful campaigns. 
Greater than these— greater than the genius of gen- 
erals — is that element of personal spirit pervading 
the contending forces. Our own Revolutionary 
contest is an excellent exemplification of this fact. 
The English soldiers had but little enthusiasm for 
the work they were called upon to do ; the subsidi- 
ary troop none at all. The Americans, on the con- 
trary, — and this was especially true of the Jersey 
militia — animated by a spirit that had the force of 
a religion, were ever ready and willing to meet the 
enemy — ever ready to dog their heels, harass their 
flanks, and fall upon their outposts. For liberty 
and their native land, they were ever eager to fight 
in battalions or in small parties, as guerillas or as 
individuals. British soldiers, however well disci- 
plined, were no match for American citizens who 
were fighting to avenge burned homes, ravaged 
families, and an invaded soil. 



136 



Copy of letter addressed by the President of 
the Society to the towns, boroughs and cities of the 
State : 

NEW JERSEY SOCIETY 

of the 

SONS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 

John Whitehead, J. Lawrence Boggs, Jr. 

President. Secretary. 



Morristown, N. J., June 11, 1891. 
Dear Sir : 

On June 14th, inst., occurs the anniversary of 
the day on which Congress, in the Revolution, 
adopted the National flag. 

The Board of Managers of the National Society 
of the Sons of the American Revolution, at its last 
meeting, directed the Presidents of the several 
State Societies to ask the Mayors of cities to recog- 
nize the day by displaying the flag from public 
buildings. 

In the discharge of my duty under this Reso- 
lution, permit me to call your attention to the sub- 
ject, and ask you to order that the flag may be dis- 
played in the manner indicated by the Resolution. 
As the 14th falls on Sunday, it is proposed to cele- 
brate the day on Monday. 

Yours, &c, 

J. Whitehead, 
President N. J. Society S. A. R. 



New-jesseY-socieTY 



OF THE SOXS OF THE 



•'■ fljAQRlQm • J^eVOLUTION.*« 



Celebration of the 113th Anniversary of the 

Battle of Monmouth, New Jersey, 

fought June 29th, 1778. 



June 27th, 1891, 

FREEHOLD, N. J. 



BATTLE OF MONMOUTH. 



The members of the New Jersey Society of the 
Sons of the American Eevolution met in Freehold, 
N. J., June 27th, 1891, in response to an invitation 
from the Monmouth Battle Association to unite in 
the celebration of the anniversary of the Battle of 
Monmouth. 

The invited guests and the members of the As- 
sociation proceeded in carriages to the Battle Mon- 
ument, and from thence to the old Tennent church. 
While in the church, the Eev. Frank R. Symmes, 
the pastor, addressed the visitors and said : 

It has been suggested that the pastor say some- 
thing to the visitors. I feel very much like the 
Council in London, when distinguished guests come 
to the city. They say : " We give you the free- 
dom of the City," and that is quite an honor in 
London. That is the way I feel toward you, gen- 
tlemen, here to-day. We give you the freedom of 
the church and the freedom of the grounds. Make 
yourselves comfortable, and if you wish to go into 
the pulpit, do so. 

An appropriate reply was made by Mr. John 
Whitehead, the President of the New Jersey Soci- 
ety of the Sons of the American Revolution. At 



140 



his suggestion a liberal contribution was made by 
the members of the Society and presented to the 
pastor of the church to enable it to buy a National 
flag. 

In acknowledgement of the donation, the Rev. 
Frank E. Symmes said : 

The pastor of the church, in behalf of its mem- 
bers and congregation, desires to thank the Sons 
of the American Eevolution for their generous do- 
nation for the purchase of a flag for our church. 
We assure you that we are a people after the prin- 
ciples of the Stars and Stripes, and you see to-day 
that we are not afraid or have any scruples about 
displaying it on all proper occasions. We will hang 
up that flag in this church, and perhaps it may be 
that we can arrange to have a pole and float it to 
the breezes as they blow back and forth by the old 
battle-field of Monmouth. Again I thank you for 
this generous donation for a flag. 

Mr. Whitehead then said : 

Almost immediately after the birth of the Re- 
public and when it was about to take its place 
among the nations of the earth, the Congress of the 
United States recognized the importance of adop- 
ting a national flag. A committee was appointed, 
charged with the duty of selecting the proper ban- 
ner. It was no easy task which confronted this 
committee, but after much deliberation, the beau- 
tiful flag we all now recognize with patriotic pride 
as the emblem of our nationality,, was reported on 
the fourteenth day of June, 1777, and received the 
approbation of Congress. Since that time it has 
continued to float over fort and arsenal, over na- 
tional vessels and public buildings, over armies and 
camps, in war and in peace. Its appearance in any 
foreign country soon commanded universal re- 
spect. Every American citizen at home or abroad, 
on land or upon sea, hails it with delight. 



141 



At the last meeting of the National Society of 
the Sons of the American Re volution, a resolution 
was passed asking the members to secure the cele- 
bration of " Flag Day." In pursuance of this reso- 
lution, as the President of the New Jersey Society 
of the Sons of the American Eevolution, I took the 
liberty, early in the month of June, of recommend- 
ing to the municipal authorities of the cities, 
towns, and boroughs of New Jersey, the observance 
of the anniversary of "Flag Day," by floating the 
banner we all reverence and love, from the public 
buildings and places throughout the State. I am 
very happy to be able to say that my recommenda- 
tion was almost universally adopted. May we ask 
you, reverend and dear Sir, that, hereafter, on the 
anniversary of " Flag Day," this old historic church 
will raise high the flag you purpose to purchase 
with our contribution, and let it be the evidence of 
the renewed patriotism of this congregation, many 
of whose ancestors fought and bled to achieve the 
independence of their country, in the battle whose 
anniversary we have met this day to celebrate. 

At two o'clock in the afternoon the Society, 
with the members of the Monmouth Battle Asso- 
ciation, sat down to dinner in the Union Hotel, 
at Freehold, Robert Laird, M. D., the President of 
the Association, presiding. 

The divine blessing was invoked by the Rev. 
Henry Goodwin Smith, the Chaplain of the Society. 

After the cloth was removed, Dr. Robert Laird 
said : 

In behalf of the Monmouth Battle Association, 
I greet the Sons of the American Revolution, and 
give you a hearty welcome, and I trust that you 
may have a glorious good time. There are several 
of our friends who have sent letters of regret, 
which Mr. Parker will read. 

Mr. Frederick Parker, on behalf of the Joint 



142 



Committee of the two Associations, read letters of 
regret from Gov. Leon Abbett, Comptroller Wm. 
C. Heppenheimer, Adjutant Gen. William S. Stry- 
ker, Speaker James J. Bergen and Clifford Stanley 
Sims, President of the Society of the Cincinnati of 
New Jersey. 

In response to a toast to the New Jersey So- 
ciety of the Sons of the American Eevolution, the 
President of that Society, the Hon. John White- 
head, said : 

HON. JOHN WHITEHEAD. 

Mr. President, Members of the Monmouth 
Battle Association, and Comrades : — I am very 
happy to greet you on this occasion, so fraught 
with glorious memories, so provocative of the pu- 
rest patriotism, so convincing of what American 
citizens can do and dare in defence of liberty. 

I need not add to the words of welcome from 
the lips of the venerable President of the Associa- 
tion. We, the Sons of the American Eevolution, 
certainly feel honored to be here, the guests of that 
Association. As Jersey men, we should rejoice to 
be permitted to unite in the celebration of a day so 
glorious in the history of the Eepublic, so bright in 
the annals of the State. Our two Associations are 
in harmony in their ends and aims — in the objects 
of their organization — and it is peculiarly fitting 
that we should assemble together and unitedly - 
show our reverence for the fathers, our apprecia- 
tion for their services, and our gratitude for their 
sacrifices in securing for us the priceless boon of 
liberty. It is to be hoped that this is only a precur- 
sor of many reunions when we shall meet together 
to commemorate the stirring events which secured 
the establishment of the Eepublic beneath whose 
fostering care freedom has so long flourished. I 
should do injustice to my own feelings, and fail in 



143 



the performance of the duty I owe to the Society- 
over which I have the honor to preside, if I did not 
render you, Mr. President, and your Association 
our sincere thanks for the honor you have done us. 

The New Jersey Society of the Sons of the 
American Eevolution is a young Society. It began 
with a very small beginning. Three gentlemen, 
only, met at Newark, in this State, in the month 
of April, 1889, with a view of forming an Associa- 
tion of broad scope, of an extended horizon of pa- 
triotic effort, with aims and objects looking back 
to the past for incentive to the performance of 
duty, and to the future with the hope of more en- 
larged spheres of influence. A wave of patriotism 
had swept over the whole country consequent upon 
the centennial anniversary of the inauguration of 
George Washington, as the first President of the 
Republic. Impelled by that burst of patriotic sen- 
timent, these three gentlemen met together and re- 
solved that a Society should be formed whose ob- 
jects are better expressed by the Constitution after- 
wards adopted than can be done by any words of 
mine. They are simple words, but are pregnant 
with meaning, and commend themselves to the 
heart and judgment of every true lover of his 
country. 

"The purposes of the Society," says that Con- 
stitution, " are to keep alive among ourselves and 
our descendants, and in the community, the patri- 
otic spirit of the men who achieved American in- 
dependence ; to collect and secure for preservation 
the manuscripts, rolls, records and other documents 
relating to the War of the Revolution." 

In this presence, these words need no com- 
ment ; they tell their own story. 

There was then in existence in the State of 
New York, a Society, very recently formed, which 
called itself the New York Society of the Sons of 



144 



the Revolution. It was entirely local — was in no 
respect national. It claimed, however, that it was 
national, and that all other Associations of kindred 
aims should become auxiliary to it, and should ac- 
knowledge it as their head. It asserted the right 
of giving existence to similar Associations by 
granting charters to them when formed in other 
States. But two of the three gentlemen who met 
to form the New Jersey Society were members of 
the New York Association, and they were loyal, 
and therefore sent an application asking for a char- 
ter. The request was properly made, couched in 
respectful terms, and deserved a courteous reply. 
But the answer came in about these words : 

"We will not grant you any charter ; we will 
not recognize you as a Society ; you, gentlemen 
who live in Northern New Jersey, can come to our 
meetings, and you who live in Southern New Jer- 
sey can attend the meetings of the Pennsylvania 
Society." 

Mr. Pumpelly and Mr. McDowell, two of those 
three gentlemen, and who were members of the 
New York Society, did not relish this treatment, 
and they pushed vigorously the New Jersey or- 
ganization independent of the other. To-day, I 
look around me and I see the faces of many 
sons of New Jersey, representing the fathers who 
fought in the Revolution, members of the vig- 
orous and growing New Jersey Society, who not 
only recognize, but heartily indorse this action. It 
was proper, eminently proper, that this New Jersey 
Society should be formed, and that it should be in- 
dependent. It needed no support ; it was not nec- 
essary that it should be auxiliary to any other. 

When first formed, it bore the name of ' ' The 
Sons of the Revolution." The New York Associa- 
tion objected to this, and the New Jersey Society 
changed its name, assuming that by which it is 



145 



now known : " The Sons of the American Revo- 
lution"; an appropriate appellation, which means 
something; and speaks for itself. The Sons of the 
Revolution may refer to that of 1688, to that of 
France, to that of Hayti, or of any change of gov- 
ernment effected by the uprising of the people. 

The Society thus formed by these three men, 
has assumed proportions which have made it what 
you see to-day in the numbers which surround this 
hospitable table, and we intend to go on increasing 
and adding to our numbers, until we include in our 
membership all the descendants of the patriots who 
took part in the struggle which settled forever the 
principle that man could govern himself. 

Our Society had not long been in existence be- 
fore its members came to the conclusion that it 
would be proper to have a national organization ; 
and it is to the honor of the first members of our 
Association, that they were the founders of that 
National Society. All the members aided in this 
laudable enterprise, but if credit should be given to 
any one over the rest, it is to my friend on my left, 
Mr. Josiah Collins Pumpelly. 

But it may well be asked : Why have you 
formed this Society ? What are its purposes — what 
are its objects ? 

We purpose to do many things and, as we grow 
stronger, we hope to accomplish great things. The 
spirit which actuated the patriots of the Revolu- 
tion, seemed to be dying out ; but it was only in 
appearance — there was no real diminution of that 
spirit. It needed only a spark to set the slumber- 
ing flame in full blast. We purpose to fan the 
flame, to keep it alive, and to make eternal the fire 
of liberty. We purpose to teach our children, and 
our children's children, to the remotest generation, 
the great lesson which our fathers learned amid 
struggles and sacrifices, that "eternal vigilance is 



14:6 

the price of liberty." We purpose not to confine- 
this teaching to our own descendants, nor to our- 
selves, but to spread it broadcast among the citi- 
zens of this great Eepublic ; to teach it to the for- 
eign born among us who are reaching our shores 
by the hundreds of thousands, so that they may 
transmit it to their descendants. We purpose to 
rescue from oblivion the history of the men through 
whom we claim eligibility as members of the So- 
ciety. Many of these men are forgotten, and the 
memory of their deeds has perished. We purpose 
to revive that memory so that it shall ever hereaf- 
ter remain green and immortal. We purpose to 
restore and preserve in every available manner the 
records which give us the story of "the times 
which tried men's souls." Many of these records 
are in forgotten existence, but may be restored, if 
only the proper means are taken. Many of our 
members can trace their ancestry back through 
more than one Eevolutionary Hero ; that is my 
own case. In the families of some of these mem- 
bers, are to be found old manuscripts, old commis- 
sions, old family Bibles, old letters, dating back to 
Eevolutionary times ; they may be, and will be, 
unearthed and brought to light, and, in this way, 
valuable additions will be made to local and gene- 
ral history. Genealogies will be established, set- 
tling the descent of members and others. It is as- 
tonishing to watch the efforts which are being 
made in this direction, and to learn what can be 
done, and what has been done, by the diligent in- 
vestigator. 

Thirty years ago this Eepublic was rent asun- 
der by fratricidal strife ; the nation was divided ; 
families were severed — brother against brother, 
father against son. The whole world stood aghast 
at the terrible scenes. The earth trembled with 
the tread of the hosts of armed men : the shock of 



147 

mighty armies meeting in deadly conflict resound- 
ed to the heavens. Hundreds and thousands of 
the bravest and best in the land were sent to early 
graves. A mighty chasm opened between the two 
sections of the country. There seemed no hope of 
ever closing that chasm— no hope that the two sec- 
tions of this country, thus dissevered, could ever 
become united. The Sons of the American Revo- 
lution are found all over this broad country, and 
they claim their descent from patriots who lived, 
and fought, and bled, both North and South of Ma- 
son and Dixon's line. Here citizens from all sec- 
tions can meet upon common ground, look back to 
a common, united country, founded by the strug- 
gles of a common ancestry. And now, we, Sons of 
the American Kevolution, living all over this great 
Eepublic, purpose to bring together the dissevered 
portions of the country and bind them more closely 
together than ever, and to make that Republic the 
grandest, noblest and best the world ever saw. 
There shall be no more war, no more battle, no 
more bloodshed, but all the citizens of this great 
country shall be united in one grand brotherhood, 
actuated by one common ambition, and standing 
together in the great battle for human rights and 
for human liberty. 

Early in this month of June, as President of 
the New Jersey Society of the Sons of the Ameri- 
can Revolution, acting under the direction of the 
National Society, I wrote a hundred letters to the 
municipal authorities of the towns, boroughs, and 
cities of the State, asking them to raise the Nation- 
al flag and float it in public places and upon public 
buildings, on the fourteenth day of the month — the 
anniversary of the day when Congress chose " old 
glory " as the emblem of our nationality. The day 
had been generally forgotten by our citizens, and 
many inquiries were made why the stars and stripes 



148 

were floating to the breeze. This was an educa- 
tion of the people which must be kept up until 
they are thoroughly informed upon the great 
events of our history. 

But this is all sentiment ! Yes, so it is. But 
into what of human life that is worth possessing, 
does not sentiment enter? What makes the eye 
of every American glisten, and his heart beat quick- 
er, as he sees the majestic flag of his country in a 
foreign port, but sentiment? What makes him 
proud of his birthright as an American citizen, but 
sentiment ? When we hear the name of Washing- 
ton and listen to the recital of his great deeds, what 
makes us render grateful homage to his name and 
virtues, but sentiment ? What binds us in fami- 
lies, but sentiment ? What makes the heart of 
man cleave to his friend, but sentiment ? Patriot- 
ism is only a sentiment ! What would life be 
worth without sentiment ? The Society of the 
Sons of the American Eevolution purpose to crys- 
talize that sentiment of patriotism in the hearts 
and consciences of all the citizens of the country. 

To-day, we went out to yonder old church and 
wandered among the graves scattered so thickly 
around it. We stood in silence over that of the 
Rev. William Tennent ; we gathered around that 
of the grand hero and patriot, Captain Josiah 
Huddy, and with bowed heads we paid a patriotic 
tribute to his memory. This was all sentiment ! 
But its expression honored us and made us better 
men. 

One word more, and I am done. If there are 
any citizens of New Jersey, who, above all others, 
should become members of this patriotic Society 
which I represent here to-day, they are the descen- 
dants of the heroes of Monmouth County, who saw 
the fight we have met this day to celebrate, who 
participated in it, and who, amid the privations and 



149 

struggles of the Revolution, and under peculiar 
hardships, remained true to the cause of liberty, 
while others faltered and became traitors. We in- 
vite you to unite with us, and aid us in the perpet- 
uation of the memories of those whom you delight 
to claim as ancestors, and whom we purpose to 
honor. 

The next toast — 

" The Battle of Monmouth "— 

Was responded to by the Hon. John S. Apple- 
gate. 

HON. J. S. APPLEGATE. 

Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Soci- 
ety of the Sons of the American Revolution : — 
As we journey upon the highway of life, it is well 
that we should stop occasionally to consider the 
value of our social and political blessings, and how 
much, and to whom, we are indebted for them. 
And I know of no time or place more suitable for 
such reflection than upon this spot, where, just one 
hundred and thirteen years ago, halted the British 
Army, on the eve of a battle inferior in importance 
to no other in the history of the country. 

The American Revolution was peculiar in the 
sense that it was a war of inequalities. The high- 
est military proficiency on one side, against a raw 
militia on the other ; a strong central Government 
against a mere confederation of States ; the most 
powerful navy of the world against no navy at all ; 
a great Empire, abounding in population and re- 
sources, against a wilderness sparsely settled, des- 
titute of munitions and implements of war, or the 
arts necessary to produce them. 

Upon these differences, Great Britain predica- 
ted a short struggle and an easy triumph. So did 
Gen. Braddock when he started out upon his ill- 
starred expedition. They had forgotten the lesson 



150 



that a fine army, officered by martinets, counts for 
little in a new country. 

The differences suggested the policy of each 
army. The British invited contests in the open 
field, while the Americans avoided, as much as pos- 
sible, pitched battles. When the British pursued, 
the Americans retreated ; when the British retreat- 
ed, the Americans pursued. But wherever the 
British went, the Americans were upon their flank 
or rear, ready to strike, as opportunity favored, or 
to flee when their safety was imperilled. Hence, a 
retreat by the Americans, rarely had the signifi- 
cance of a defeat. It was rather a strategic move- 
ment which enabled them to husband their resour- 
ces and to make ready for another attack or sortie. 
Bunker Hill, Lexington, Concord, Long Island, Ger- 
mantown and Brandywine, were, in reality, victo- 
ries for the Americans, though driven from the 
field, in the sense that the morale of our army was 
preserved, and each battle was a step towards the 
end, while Great Britain, worried to exhaustion, 
was compelled to give up the contest. 

The battle of Monmouth was an outcome of 
this Fabian policy. The British, after nine months 
of inactivity, deemed themselves unsafe at Phila- 
delphia. Their communications on the Delaware 
were threatened and an alert and eager enemy 
menaced them at Valley Forge. Sir Henry Clinton 
thereupon evacuated the city and retreated across 
the Jerseys. Washington followed so closely that 
Clinton was diverted from his original plan of em- 
barking upon the Earitan and instead turned to- 
wards the sea by the way of Middletown. At Mon- 
mouth he was overtaken. On the morning of the 
28th of June, Lafayette opened the battle. His or- 
ders were to " take the first fair opportunity to at- 
tack the rear of the enemy." The battle continued 
until nightfall with varying success. The ad van- 



151 



tage was with the Americans, and Washington in 
hope of a decisive victory anxiously awaited the 
morning. But the British slipped away during the 
night, leaving their dead unburied and their wound- 
ed upon the field. The battle of Monmouth was one 
of the most severely contested of the war and was 
regarded by Washington as a victory, as shown in 
his general order the next day, congratulating the 
army. Notwithstanding the reverses in the early 
part of the day, it ranks high among those of the 
war, as it demonstrated the discipline and profi- 
ciency in tactics acquired under the diligent in- 
structions of Baron Steuben during the winter at 
Valley Forge, and the ability of the Continentals 
to match in open field and under adverse circum- 
stances, the best soldiers of England. Moreover, 
following the surrender of Burgoyne, when in- 
trigue would have installed another leader, it re- 
established confidence in Gen. Washington. 

It was helpful also in opening the eyes of the 
world to the fact that Great Britain could not con- 
quer America. Three thousand miles of ocean was 
too wide a gulf to span. One half million square 
miles of territory was too big a field to occupy. 
Nature was against her. A brave people was 
against her, and, as once said by Everett, u Nature 
never gave, and never will give, a full and final tri- 
umph over a virtuous and gallant people resolved 
to be free." 

As Europe was impressed more and more by 
this conviction, Great Britain was more and more 
demoralized. The questions began to be boldly 
discussed in England : "If we cannot beat the 
Americans in the open field, where can we beat 
them ? When is the war to stop % " The opposition 
throughout the realm was strengthened. Spain 
declared war. France renewed her alliance by 
sending over new fleets and armies. 



152 



The war was now half over. It was but a 
question of endurance when the strife should end, 
and here the advantage was with the Americans. 
They were fighting on familiar ground, for homes 
and kindred, aided by the moral and material sup- 
port of the civilized world. 

Thus, the battle of Monmouth is not only one 
of the most important of the American Eevolution 
in its effect in determining the issue, but, in view 
of the great outcome of that issue, the founding of 
a new nation, the establishment of constitutional 
government, the building up of the great republic, 
it can be regarded as one of the great battles of the 
world. True, the numbers engaged bear no com- 
parison to many of the great battles in history. 
But it is the cause, not the number of combatants, 
that gives the measure of events. The little army 
of Mahomet was destined to move the world more 
profoundly than the millions led by Xerxes or Na- 
poleon. And the little army led by Washington, 
at Trenton and Princeton with naked and bleeding 
feet over ice and snow, cheerfully faced the can- 
non's mouth and wrought out the great principle 
of self-government secured by the Constitution of 
the United States— that glorious Constitution, set 
like the noon-tide sun in the firmanent, flashing 
light over the western hemisphere, and diffusing 
life throughout the world ! Under it, has been 
born this confederated Eepublic of free and inde- 
pendent sovereign States. Under it, has been rear- 
ed the mightiest nation that has ever existed, with 
a country flanked by the Atlantic and the Pacific, 
having sixty millions of people ; creative, energet- 
ic, brave — a noble monument of republican success 
that casts a shade over the monarchies and aristoc- 
racies of Europe. 

Mr. Chairman, it was eminently befitting, in 
the closing years of this XIX century, that we 



153 

should express our deep sense of the value and im- 
portance of this achievement of our ancestors, by 
the erection of a monument which would serve to 
keep alive the sentiments of love of country and to 
cherish a constant memory for the little band that 
braved all and suffered all for the establishment of 
the great principle of free government. Associa- 
tions, anniversaries, battle-fields, freshen the recol- 
lection and deepen the impression of events with 
which they are historically connected, and as we 
contemplate these events, there is inculcated a 
moral and patriotic lesson which elevates the char- 
acter and improves the heart. A battle-field of the 
Revolution is no ordinary spot on the earth's sur- 
face. It is a place where the spirit of liberty and 
patriotism lingers, and whoever visits these places 
must drink afresh of these ennobling sentiments. 

It is, therefore, a most commendable work un- 
dertaken by the Monmouth Battle Monument As- 
sociation, to mark and preserve the spot which 
must be forever dear to us and to our posterity, to 
guard and protect the monument which for ages 
shall stand in commemoration of heroic virtues. 
As Sons of Monmouth, we would show to future 
generations that, upon every recurring anniversary 
of this battle, we cherished with high veneration 
and grateful recollections the memory of our Rev- 
olutionary sires. We would show an example of 
patriotism to our fellow-citizens throughout the 
land, worthy of imitation upon other battle-grounds 
of the Revolution. 

Then followed the toast, 

"Princeton in the Revolution," 

Which was responded to by the Hon. Robert S. 
Green. 

HON. ROBERT S. GREEN. 

Mr. President, and Fellow-Members of the 



154 



New Jersey Society of the Sons op the American 
Keyolution : — No adequate response, Mr. Presi- 
dent, could be made to the sentiment to which I 
am called to respond, within the limits which are 
appropriate to such an occasion as this. 

It summons from the past incidents of history 
which cluster around her every field ; it recalls 
memories of the services and sacrifices of her pa- 
triotic citizens, and it invites speculation as to the 
probable influence exerted by the College of New 
Jersey located at Princeton, in instilling and develo- 
ping sentiments of liberty, and principles of popular 
sovereignty and constitutional government, which 
are the foundation stones of our National existence. 
Located midway between New York and Philadel- 
phia, on the King's highway, the accustomed route 
of travel between those cities ; affording facilities 
for the shelter of troops and the accommodation of 
deliberative bodies in the barracks which had al- 
ready been erected there, and in the spacious build- 
ings connected with the College ; attracting atten- 
tion by the demonstrative and effective efforts of 
her prominent men in the cause of independence, 
Princeton, from the beginning of the war, became 
an objective point of occupation to the troops of 
both patriot and enemy, of their offensive and de- 
fensive operations, and the place of refuge of the 
Legislature, and finally, of the Congress of the 
country. 

At this length of time, it is difficult properly 
to estimate the influence which was exerted by the 
College and its instructors, upon the young intrust- 
ed to their care, and who in time became actors 
in the events which followed the Declaration of 
Independence. These teachers were men of ad- 
vanced ideas, of lofty patriotism and of aggressive 
principle. At their head was John Witherspoon, 
the patriot, the stateman, the divine, who was af- 



155 



terwards a member of the Provincial and Con- 
tinental Congresses, and a signer of the Declara- 
tion of Independence. With him was William 
Churchill Houston, an accomplished scholar, who, 
on the dispersion of the students cf the College, 
headed a scouting party and afforded valuable as- 
sistance which was recognized by the army, and 
who afterwards became a member of the Provin- 
cial and Continental Congresses. With them, was 
Tapping Eeeve, who rendered efficient services in 
the war, especially in the recruiting service in New 
York, and who afterwards became the distinguish- 
ed founder and principal of the law school at Litch- 
field, Connecticut. 

Without dwelling upon the possible influence 
that the teaching of these men might have had in 
impressing the youth with their principles ; with- 
out assuming that the part which those graduates 
afterwards played in the defense of their country, 
and the establishment of its government, was due 
to the instruction which they received in Prince- 
ton — it is fair to claim, as it is always claimed in 
behalf of colleges and institutions of learning and 
universally conceded, that the acts which have 
been done, and the honor which has been earned, 
by the alumni of a college, reflect credit and glory 
upon their Alma Mater. 

In this point of view, I wish, in response to 
this toast of " Princeton in the Revolution," to call 
your attention to the names of a few only, who 
made their mark in those exciting times. Of the 
graduates prior to 1777, twenty- eight were dele- 
gates to the Continental Congress ; nine were mem- 
bers of the Convention to form the Federal Consti- 
tution ; two were members of the previous Annap- 
olis Convention ; two were delegates to the Meck- 
lenburg Convention ; fourteen were afterwards 
members of the United States Senate, and twenty- 



156 



eight were members of the House of Representa- 
tives. Prominent in the roll, stand the names of 
James Madison, fourth President of the United 
States ; of Richard Stockton and Benjamin Rush, 
signers of the Declaration of Independence ; of 
William Paterson, Governor of the State, Member 
of the Constitutional Convention, and Justice of 
the Supreme Court of the United States ; and Oli- 
ver Ellsworth, Chief Justice of the United States. 

Dr. Witherspoon came to the College in 1768,. 
and, within the short time between that and the 
declaration of independence, there were graduated 
from the College : 

John Beatty, of New Jersey, a Captain of the 
Pennsylvania line, Commissary General of priso- 
ners, Delegate to the Continental Congress and 
Constitutional Convention, and member of Con- 
gress from 1793 to 1795 ; 

James Linn, of New Jersey, Delegate to the 
American Congress ; 

Frederick FreJinghuysen, of New Jersey, a 
Member of the Provincial Congress, Continental 
Congress, United States Senate, Captain of Artil- 
lery, Colonel and Major General ; 

Gunning Bedford, of Delaware, an Aide to 
Gen. Washington, Member of Continental Con- 
gress and Constitutional Convention, Attorney 
General of Delaware, and United States District 
Judge ; 

Hugh H. Breckenridge, of Pennsylvania, a 
Chaplain in the Revolutionary Army, and Justice 
of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania ; 

James Madison, of Virginia, fourth President 
of the United States ; 

William Bradford, of Pennsylvania a Major 
under Gen. Roberdeau, in Hampton's Regiment 
Regular troops, Deputy Quartermaster General, 
Justice of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, At- 



157 



torney General of Pennsylvania and of the United 
States ; 

Aaron Burr, of New Jersey, who, whatever of 
shadow events in later life may have cast over his 
character, was a gallant soldier and an accom- 
plished officer in the Revolutionary War. He was 
a Major in the army in the Quebec expedition, 
Aide to Generals Washington and Putnam, Lieu- 
tenant Colonel in command of a brigade at Mon- 
mouth, Attorney General of New York, United 
States Senator and Vice-President of the United 
States ; 

Henry Lee, of Virginia, — " Light Horse Harry" 
of the War — Captain of Cavalry, Major, Lt. Colo- 
nel, Colonel, Member of Continental Congress, Vir- 
ginia Convention, and United States Congress ; 

Charles Lee, of Virginia, (brother of Henry) 
Member of Continental Congress, and Attorney 
General of the United States ; 

Morgan Lewis, of New York, Captain, Major, 
Colonel, Aide to General Gates, Quartermaster 
General of the Northern Army, Attorney General, 
Chief Justice and Governor of New York ; 

Aaron Ogden, of New Jersey, Captain, Major, 
Aide to Gen. Sterling, Colonel, United States Sena- 
tor and Governor ; 

John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, United 
States Senator ; 

John Noble Cumming, of New Jersey, 1st 
Lieutenant and Captain of the 1st Establishment 
of New Jersey troops, Captain, Major, Lt. Colonel 
of the 2nd Regiment, and Lt. Colonel commanding 
3rd Regiment of the " Jersey line " ; 

Henry Brockholst Livingstone, of New York, 
Captain, Lt. Colonel, Aide to Generals Schuyler and 
St. Clair, and Justice of the Supreme Court of the 
United States ; 



158 



Jonathan Mason, of Massachusetts, United 
States Senator ; 

William Stevens Smith, of New York, Aide to 
Generals Sullivan, Steuben and Washington, Lt. 
Colonel of the 13th Massachusetts, and Member of 
Congress ; 

John Anderson Scudder, of New Jersey, Mem- 
ber of Congress ; 

Isaac Tichenor, born in New Jersey, afterwards 
of Vermont, Assistant Commissary General, Agent 
of Vermont to Congress, Judge of the Supreme 
Court of Vermont, United States Senator, and Gov- 
ernor ; 

Nathaniel Alexander, of North Carolina, served 
in the Eevolutionary Army, Member of Congress, 
and Governor ; 

Jonathan Dayton, of New Jersey, served in the 
Revolutionary Army, had a command under Gen. 
Lafayette at Yorktown, Member of Constitutional 
Convention, Member of Congress, Speaker of the 
House of Representatives, and United States Sena- 
tor ; 

John Rutherford, of New Jersey, United States 
Senator. 

Before Dr. Witherspoon's presidency, there 
were graduated : 

Richard Stockton, of New Jersey, the signer of 
the Declaration of Independence ; 

Dr. William Burnet, of New Jersey, Surgeon 
General of the Eastern District, Member of the 
Continental Congress and the United States Con- 
gress ; 

Nathaniel Scudder, of New Jersey, Lt. Colonel 
of Monmouth County Cavalry, Colonel, Member of 
the Council of Safety, Delegate to the Constitution- 
al Convention, killed by refugees near Shrewsbury 
(was the only Member of Congress killed in battle 
during the war) ; 



159 



Samuel Livermore, of New Hampshire, Mem- 
ber of the Continental Congress, Chief Justice of 
the Supreme Court of New Hampshire, Member of 
first and second Congresses, and United States Sen- 
ator ; 

William Shippen, of Pennsylvania, Chief Phy- 
sician of flying camp and Director General of Mili- 
tary Hospitals ; 

Isaac Smith, of New Jersey, Colonel, Judge of 
the Supreme Court, and Member of Congress ; 

Alexander Martin, born in New Jersey, after- 
wards of North Carolina, Member of Colonial As- 
sembly, of Convention of 1774 and 1775, Colonel of 
the 2nd North Carolina, Governor, and United 
States Senator ; 

Jesse Eoot, of Connecticut, Lt. Colonel, Mem- 
ber of Continental Congress, and Chief Justice of 
Connecticut ; 

Joseph Reed, of Pennsylvania, President of 
Second Provincial Congress, Lt. Colonel, Washing- 
ton's Military Secretary, Adjutant General of the 
Army, Member of the Continental Congress, Presi- 
dent of the Executive Council of Pennsylvania, and 
Governor ; 

Peter R. Livingston, of New York, President 
of the Provincial Congress of New York ; 

Jeremiah VanRensselaer, of New York, Mem- 
ber of the first Congress, and Lt. Governor of New 
York; 

Benjamin Rush, of Pennsylvania, signer of the 
Declaration of Independence ; 

Thomas Henderson, of New Jersey, Major of 
Stewart's Battalion and of Heard's Battalion, Lt. 
Colonel of Foreman's Battalion, Brigade Major at 
Battle of Monmouth, the ''Solitary horseman" 
who brought Washington intelligence of Lee's re- 
treat, Member of the Provincial Congress, Vice 



160 



President of the State Council and acting Gover- 
nor, and Member of Congress ; 

Jonathan Dickinson Sergeant, of New Jersey, 
Member of the Provincial Congress of New Jersey, 
Committee of Safety and Continental Congress, 
and Attorney General of Pennsylvania ; 

William Paterson, of New Jersey, before re- 
ferred to ; 

Tapping Reeve, of Connecticut, before referred 
to ; 

Richard Hutson, of South Carolina, Member of 
the Continental Congress, a prisoner of War, and 
Chancellor ; 

David Ramsay, of South Carolina, Surgeon, 
Member of Council of Safety, of Continental Con- 
gress, and author of History of the War ; 

Waightstill Avery, of North Carolina, Colonel 
of Militia in active service, Member of Mecklen- 
burg and Hillsborough Conventions, and first At- 
torney General of North Carolina ; 

Oliver Ellsworth, of Connecticut, before refer- 
red to ; 

David Howell, born in New Jersey, afterwards 
of Rhode Island, Member of Continental Congress, 
Attorney General, Judge of the Supreme Court, 
Commissioner to settle boundary of the United 
States, District Attorney, and Judge ; 

Luther Martin, born in New Jersey, afterwards 
of Maryland, Member of Annapolis Convention, 
Constitutional Convention, and Attorney General 
of Maryland ; 

Francis Barber, of New Jersey, born in Prince- 
ton, Major and Lt. Colonel of the 1st Establishment 
Jersey Troops, Lt. Colonel 3rd Regiment "Jersey 
line," and killed in command ; 

Nathaniel Ramsay, of Maryland, Member of 
Maryland Convention, Captain of the first Bat- 
talion raised in the State, Lt. Colonel 3rd ' ' Mary- 



161 



land line" ; on Lee's retreat at Monmouth, Wash- 
ington called on Colonels Ramsay and Stewart to 
check the enemy ; Ramsay fought till left without 
troops, was cut down and left for dead upon the 
field ; 

Ephriam Brevard, of North Carolina, Secretary 
of the Mecklenburg Convention and reputed author 
of the Mecklenburg Declaration, served in the Ar- 
my and was taken prisoner ; 

Pierrepont Edwards, of Connecticut, served in 
the Army, was a member of the Continental Con- 
gress, and a United States Judge ; 

William Churchill Houston, before referred to ; 

Thomas Tredwell, of Long Island, Member of 
the New York Provincial Congress, of the State 
Constitutional Convention of 1776, and of the 
United States Congress. 

They were from all sections of the country ; 
their subsequent prominence is indicative of the 
influence they must have exercised over those with 
whom they associated, and in the communities in 
which they resided. Born and reared in the exci- 
ting times prior to the Revolution, they must, in 
the nature of things, have strengthened, at College, 
impressions which ripened into conviction and im- 
pelled into action. The result of such effort by 
these young men reflects credit upon the College in 
which they are educated and is properly considered 
in connection with the sentiment : "Princeton in 
the Revolution." 

But Princeton also contributed of her own citi- 
zens to the cause of the country. Two of the sign- 
ers of the Declaration of Independence were resi- 
dents of Princeton — John Witherspoon and Rich- 
ard Stockton ; while another — John Hart — was a 
resident of Hopewell, but a few miles distant from 
that place. 

As members of the Continental Congress, there 



162 

were from Princeton : Jonathan Dickinson Ser- 
geant, Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Wil- 
liam Churchill Houston and John Beatty. 

As members of the Provincial Congress : Jona- 
than Sergeant, Jonathan Dickinson Sergeant, John 
Witherspoon, Jonathan Deare, Jonathan Baldwin, 
W. Churchill Houston and Enos Kelsey. 

I doubt if there is any village in this country 
that can show such a representation in those or 
similar bodies. 

But not only was Princeton identified in the 
Revolution in this manner ; there are,, as I have sug- 
gested, local histories of the time connected with 
the place. It will be remembered that the Provin- 
cial Congress of New Jersey, on the 2nd of July, 
1776, two days before the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, adopted the first Constitution of New Jer- 
sey, formally severed its connection with the 
British Crown and established an independent 
Government. The first Legislature elected in 
the new State of New Jersey, met in Princeton 
on the 27th of August, 1776, and continued 
in session there until the 5th of October follow- 
ing. General Washington in his retreat through 
the Jerseys, arrived in Princeton about the 1st 
of December and remained there until the 7th 
of December, when he continued his march to 
the Delaware, leaving Lord Sterling at Princeton 
with some twelve hundred men. The latter tar- 
ried there until the advance of the British, 
when he followed Washington and the English 
occupied the town until the 3rd of January, 1777. 
After the battle, the town was occupied by Gen. 
Putnam and a portion of the Continental Army, 
who continued there for some time. So you see 
that the town was alternately occupied by the 
troops, either of the British or the Continental 
army, and during that time, the citizens suffered in 



163 

the destruction and waste of their property. Tus- 
culum, the home of John Witherspoon, was destroy- 
ed ; Morven, the residence of Richard Stockton, 
was occupied by the English, and the residence of 
Jonathan Dickinson Sergeant was destroyed by fire 
— burned to the ground by British troops. 

But the event, Mr. President, in the Revolu- 
tion which brings Princeton more distinctly to the 
mind than any other, is the battle which took place 
there on the 3rd of January 1777. As a battle, it 
can not pretend to rank in the numbers engaged 
and the time occupied, with others which were 
fought in that war, and notably that of the battle 
of Monmouth. As a victory, it was saddened by 
the loss of Gen. Mercer, Col. Hazlet, Maj. Morris, 
Captains Shippen, Fleming and Neal, but it was 
the culmination of that series of grand strategic 
engagements which enabled Washington to lead 
his army into Winter quarters at Morristown, 
under the inspiriting flush of victory. These en- 
gagements dispelled among the soldiers the de- 
pression of former disaster, reinvigorated the spirit 
of liberty in the people, infused new life into the 
cause of independence and resulted in lasting 
benefit to our interests at home and abroad. 

It is, Mr. President, an incident worthy of re- 
membrance, that of the five events in the Revolu- 
tion, which the first Congress thought worthy to 
be inscribed on the monument which it directed to 
be erected to Washington, three, Trenton, Prince- 
ton and Monmouth, were in the State of New Jer- 
sey. Thanks to the untiring energy of your own 
distinguished citizen, Gov. Parker, and thanks to 
the patriotic generosity of another of your citizens 
and to the patriotism of the State and the country, 
the monument you now have, has been erected 
here as celebrating one of those events. Soon, 
Trenton will have its monument to mark the spot 



164 

where the conflict took place in the Christmas time 
of 1776, and I here express the hope that ere 
many years, the traveller as he is whirled along 
the iron highway near the place, may see, rising 
from the foliage which shades and beautifies that 
lovely village, a shaft that shall fitly commem- 
orate u Princeton in the Revolution." 

At the conclusion of Governor Green's speech, 
Hon. John Whitehead said : 

Mr. Chairman : — I ask the privilege of break- 
ing in upon the order of the exercises for a minute. 
Our friend, Gov. Green, has shown great modesty 
in his address, for he has not mentioned one per- 
son, of his own name and family, who should, 
however, be named. 

We had in Morris County before the time of 
the Eevolution, a Presbyterian minister, who was 
settled over the congregation at Hanover. His 
name was Jacob Green, and he was the grandfather 
of the eloquent gentleman who has just taken his 
seat. Not only that, but he was the Chairman of 
the Committee which, in the month of June, 1776, 
before the Declaration of Independence, as Chair- 
man of a Committee from the Provincial Congress 
of the State of New Jersey, was charged with the 
duty of preparing the Constitution of 1776, to which 
the modest Governor has referred, and he was the 
author of that glorious instrument, under which 
the State of New Jersey existed for sixty-eight 
years, until the Convention of 1844. 

Jacob Green was a remarkable man, and some 
of his traits have descended^ as you have seen. He 
was glorious as a patriot, he was magnificent as a 
Divine, and he was the friend and adviser of his 
parishioners. He drew their wills, their deeds, 
their contracts, was their arbitrator in their 
disputes ; and he has left behind him, in Morris 
County, a memory which we revere and honor. 



165 

The health of this eminent Jerseyman, and of 
his grand-son, Robert S. Green, was proposed by- 
Mr. Whitehead, and three cheers were given. 

The President then announced, 

" Molly Pitcher and the Daughters of the Rev- 
olution," 

And called upon Mr. Josiah Collins Pumpelly, 
who responded as follows : 

MR. PUMPELLY. 

Me. Chairman, and Members of the Battle 
Monument Association, and Fellow-Members of 
the Society of the Sons of the American Revo- 
lution : — In the wars of civilized nations, women 
and the clergy have proved themselves a powerful 
agency in the forming of events. 

In our war of Independence this influence was 
positive and direct ; and especially so in this State, 
the very Belgium of the Revolution. It is an old 
story, that of the brave deeds of the heroic women 
of New Jersey, in the war for Independence — of 
those courageous mothers aud daughters who were 
not only true to American principles, but were ever 
ready and constant in rendering effectual service to 
the cause in which their husbands and sons had 
risked their all. 

Were the unwritten history of the patriotic 
women of the Revolution placed before us, we 
would be astonished at its magnitude and the bra- 
very of its unhonored heroines. Man has always 
been slow to acknowledge women's capabilities, 
and sparing of his praise. To these facts may be 
attributed our meagre record of her valorous deeds. 
'Tis hers to suffer in silence ; 'tis his to suffer 
aloud and let the world know of it. It is the con- 
tinual exemplification of the old story of the fight 
with the bear in Colonial days, and the man, who, 
safe in the hay loft, encouraged his wife with : 



1GG 



" Hit him ag'in, Betsy ; hit him ag'in," and after 
the brave woman had dispatched Bruin, hurried 
from his retreat to announce to his neighbors with 
great bravado : ■' I and Betsy killed the bear." 

That noble monument — that war lyric in stone 
— which you have placed on Monmouth's field, 
seems aglow with the fiery breath of battle, and of 
all the five dramatic pictures in bronze which so 
adorn its base, none tells a more thrilling story 
than that of Molly Pitcher, the heroine of Mon- 
mouth. It is well indeed that that which has been 
the theme of poets and a subject for the pencil of 
the artist, should here, in enduring bronze, show 
to all future generations one of the most daring 
deeds of women recorded in history. Though the 
story is known to you all, it will bear repetition. 

In the battle of Monmouth, a cannoneer at one 
of the guns of Knox's artillery was killed, and there 
was no one to take his place. An order was given 
to move the gun from the field, because there were 
not enough artillerymen to man it. The wife of 
the dead cannoneer had been to the spring in the 
<edge of the west ravine on the parsonage farm for 
water, for the use of her husband and his comrades, 
and to keep the sponge wet. As she returned, she 
saw her husband lying dead on the ground near 
the wheel of the cannon. Hearing that the gun 
was to be moved off, she dashed forward, exclaim- 
ing : "I will avenge his death ! " seized the ram- 
mer, drove home the load, and continued to serve 
the gun throughout the battle. The troops who 
saw Capt. Molly at the gun, were aroused to the 
highest pitch of enthusiasm and rushed on the foe. 
Capt. Molly was the noin de guerre of the heroine 
of Monmouth, and by this name she will go down 
in history to future ages. General Green compli- 
mented her on the field, and the next morning con- 
ducted her to Washington. The French officers 



167 

were so charmed with the bravery she exhibited, 
which appealed so strongly to their chivalric na- 
ture, that they made her valuable presents. The 
pay of a Sergeant, the rank of her husband, was 
given her for life by the Government. A New Jer- 
sey poet thus describes the scene : 

4 'As we turned our flanks and center in the path of 
death to enter, 
One of Knox's brass six pounders lost its Irish 
cannoneer. 
And his wife, who, 'mid the slaughter, had been 
bearing pails of water 
For the gun and for the gunners, over his body 
shed a tear. 
* Move the piece ', but there they found her, loading, 
firing that six-pounder, 
And she bravely, till we won, worked the gun. 
Though like tigers, fierce they fought us, to such 
zeal had Molly brought us, 
That though struck with heat and thirsting, yet 
of drink we felt no lack ; 
There she stood amid the clamor, swiftly handling- 
sponge and rammer, 
While we swept with wrath condign on their 
line. 

Capt. Molly was present at the disbandment of 
the Army at Newburg in 1783, but the rosy-cheek- 
ed, freckle-faced Irish girl of 1779, had, we regret 
to say, sadly deteriorated since her day of victory 
in 1778. For her noble services. General Washing- 
ton and Major General Henry Knox, Chief of Ar- 
tillery, determined that she should be always cared 
for, and when none was left of the artillery but 
the Alexander Hamilton Company, Gen. Knox, 
then Secretary of War at the Capital in New York 
City, directed the military store-keeper at West 



168 



Point to find a suitable boarding place for Molly at 
Highland Falls, and pay her board, and provide her 
with all necessaries. In 1785, Capt. George Flem- 
ing, store-keeper at West Point, made requisition 
three separate times for shifts for Mrs. Molly, but 
the Confederate Congress, elected in 1787, had re- 
duced the National Government to such a condi- 
tion of poverty that there were no funds to buy 
shifts for Molly, or even pay the Army itself, which 
then consisted of one small Company of Artillery, 
whose pay was many months in arrears. Eventu- 
ally, Gen. Knox was relieved of his embarrassment 
as to his promise, by a letter from Capt. Fleming 
stating that in overhauling the stores at West Point 
he had found some old tents worn sufficiently thin 
by rain and exposure to enable him to have them 
made up into shifts for Molly. 

And this brave deed, whose memory thrills our 
blood to-day, is but one of a myriad of heroic acts 
done by the women of this brave little State during 
our War for Independence. 

In the darkest days of the Eevolution, about 
November 30th, 1776, when the brothers Howe of- 
fered their rewards for deserters from our cause, 
one writer asserts a good portion of the popu- 
lation could have been bought for eighteen pence a 
head. Hope, courage, loyalty, faith, honor — all 
seemed about to be swept away upon the great 
flood of panic which overspread the land. But it 
was at such times that the spirit of the women of 
the Eevolution — the women who had tilled the 
fields and fed the half-starved troops while their 
husbands were away, and who hurled back every 
offer of the enemy with scorn — came grandly and. 
effectually to the front. 

Of such a mould was Hannah Arnett, of Eliza- 
beth, who reprimanded her hesitating husband and 
kinsman with the words: "For me, I stay with 



169 

my country, and my hand shall never touch the 
hand nor my heart cleave to the heart of him who 
shames her. I married a good man and true, and 
it needs no divorce to sever me from a traitor and a 
coward." 

It was in a neighboring County to this, the 
British in one of their raids took possession of a 
store, and were about to confiscate the whole stock 
when a woman appeared among the half-drunken 
soldiers, and it was her undaunted talk and her re- 
peated demand that her bowl should be filled with 
tea, that delayed the soldiery and gave her neigh- 
bors time to secrete their valuables, and to collect 
together the pewter plates and dishes so valuable 
in those days to melt into bullets. Odd it seems, 
that while upon those plates healthful food was 
served to our forefathers, the same plates, when 
converted into bullets, conveyed death and destruc- 
tion into the ranks of the enemy. 

The patriot, Col. Lonrey, of Huntington, you 
remember well, had a price set upon his head, and 
spies watched his every movement. When at 
home, he always had a horse in readiness to fly at 
a moment's notice, and kept watchers on the alert 
to warn him of any approach of strangers. His 
wife was a delicate woman, and yet, when there 
was a necessity, she would yoke her oxen and drive 
to the woods and, unassisted, bring home fuel. 
When a company of British were about to raid her 
village, she saved it by the following clever ruse : 
Her husband, on horseback, was apparently watch- 
ing the movements of the enemy from a hill back 
of the village. The leader, seeing him, inquired 
what it meant. She replied without the slightest 
hesitation : ' ' Just beyond the hill there is a large 
body of troops." "Well, if that is so," said he, 
"we had better be going." And, hastily placing 



170 



the King's seal on the store-house door, galloped 
away. 

The heroic Captain Huddy owed his life on one 
occasion, to his servant, Lucretia Emmons. A 
party of refugees attacked his house at night ; the 
guards, usually stationed there, were absent. Lu- 
cretia loaded the guns they had left, one after an- 
other, for Capt. Huddy, who, by appearing at dif- 
ferent windows and firing, gave the impression to 
the enemy of a strong force being in the house and 
so caused the latter to give up the attack. 

In was a certain courageous daughter of old 
Woodbridge town, who on passing an unoccupied 
house, saw through the window a drunken Hessian 
soldier, and there being no men within a mile of 
her to call to her aid, she went home, dressed in 
man's apparel and armed with an old firelock re- 
turned, entered the house and took the Hessian 
prisoner. Having stripped him of his arms she 
was leading him off when she met the patrol guard 
of a New Jersey regiment to whom she delivered 
her prisoner. 

Of such stuff was made fiery Anna Kitchell, of 
Morris, who scorned a "British protection" offered 
her, with the words, "If the God of battles will 
not take care of us, we will fare with the rest." 

And Hannah Thompson, who scalded a certain 
impudent Tory, and plucky Mrs. Mills, who in 
spite of Sheriff Millege's opposition, rallied the 
Whigs and drove a certain gang of Tories out of the 
town. 

It was Miss Susan Livingstone, the daughter of 
New Jersey's war governor, who on February 28th, 
1779, by her skillful strategy saved from pillage 
her father's most valuable papers, and it was her 
sister Susannah, who on a certain midnight, being 
attacked by the enemy and seized by a drunken 
soldier, grasped one of them by the collar. Brave 



m 

was her action and well was it rewarded, for at 
that moment a flash of lightening illuminated the 
scene, and as it fell upon her white dress he cried 
with an oath, "It's the ghost of Mrs. Caldwell we 
killed to-day." 

The Governor's sister, Lady Sterling, was also 
an uncompromising patriot, refusing emphatically 
to avail herself of the permission sent her by Sir 
Henry Clinton to '"take anything she pleased out 
of the city." 

'Twas a certain Mrs. Berry, who, at one time 
entertained General Washington in New Jersey, 
and it was she who called out to her husband, as he 
went to battle : " Remember, Sidney, to do your 
duty ; I would rather hear that you were left a 
corpse on the field than that you had played the 
part of a coward." 

Even the young girls of that day were endowed 
with this all-absorbing spirit of patriotism. It is 
recorded that at one time, when a raid was about 
to be made upon a certain hamlet near Orange 
Mountain, and the people were flying to the stock- 
ade on the mountain, a little girl, more thoughtful 
than the rest, lingered behind the others, and left 
upon the kitchen table of her home the following 
letter : 

" Dear Britisher : — Would you please not burn 
up my poor old grandfather's house. Maybe you 
have a little girl at home, and think how dreadful 
it would be if she should have no house to cover 
her head. 

"Yours truly, 

"Letitia Wright." 

Her own possessions were some fine geese. 
These she drove to the woods, and then joined her 
people on their way to the mountain. The Colonel 
of the British force occupied the child's home that 
night, he read the letter left on the table, his heart 



172 



was touched, and he ordered that no property 
should be destroyed,, except what was needed to 
satisfy hunger. All the geese had wandered back 
to their pen at nightfall, and all of these were dis- 
patched except the old gander which they felt 
might be the special pet of the writer of the letter. 
Not a house was burned, and in the morning the 
refugees returned to find matters very much as 
they had left them, and Letitia, as she neared her 
home, was met by her pet gander, and about his 
neck, strange enough, there huug a funny little to- 
bacco pouch full of silver, and a little note with 
these lines : 

" Though redcoats we be, you plainly will see 

We know how to grant a petition. 
With rough soldier care, we've endeavored to spare 
Your homes in a decent condition. 

" Sweet Mistress Wright, we bid you good-night. 

It's time for us soldiers to wander ; 
We've paid for your geese, a shilling apiece, 

And left the change with the gander." 

But time does not suffice to tell one-half the 
story of women's bravery in the Kevolution. 
Hardly do they need monuments to perpetuate 
their fame, for their monuments are all around us. 
The many happy homes about us, these broad and 
beautiful fields giving promise of an abundant har- 
vest, our many public schools and churches with 
the spires pointing heavenward, are all the noble 
outcome of that constitutional liberty those brave 
women bequeathed to us as a sacred heritage. 

But we have a great deal to do now, in strength- 
ening our lines upon true American principles — 
strengthening our Americanism and making our 
ranks more homogeneous — for we know the condi- 



m 



tion of our naturalization laws. We know there 
is a necessity for reformation ; we know there is a 
necessity for making every one of our schools nur- 
series of patriotism. I feel that we have a great 
work before us when I tell you that there are 
eighteen States in this country where a man has 
merely to give notice that he proposes to become 
naturalized to be enabled to vote— when I tell you 
that in fifteen States, a man who has only signi- 
fied his intention of becoming a citizen and who 
may possibly never be naturalized, can vote at a 
National election, and that thus it might happen 
that the vote of the country might be determined 
by men who were still aliens, on American soil. I 
mention these things to show you that it is time 
that we should care for our naturalization laws. 

We are glad that the woman of to-day have 
seen fit to organize a society of the Daughters of 
the American Revolution, and with the especial 
object of making the memories of their ancestry a 
living influence in our National life. This Society 
has made excellent progress, and the New Jersey 
Chapter is especially prosperous. The anniversary 
which we are honoring to-day, being its day of 
yearly celebration, one of the results of its influ- 
ence is that a certain lady who was born on Mon- 
mouth battlefield, has presented to the Society, 
land enough at Bound Brook, for a home for indi- 
gent female descendants of Eevolutionary sires. 
All honor :o the several hundred New Jersey 
Daughters of the American Revolution. May their 
work prosper, and we, as true Sons of the Ameri- 
can Revolution, be ever ready to aid them in every 
great and true endeavor. Let us as Sons and 
Daughters go forward from this most memorable 
day, refreshed and inspired by the memory of these 
courageous souls we have spoken of, which, like 



174 



stars, "Flame on the forehead of our morning 
sky." Let us study and know as a real thing the 
quality of the greatness of this America which 
stands to-day in the forefront of the ages. And 
let us see to it that our youth, foreign and native, 
are taught first and foremost to be trained soldiers 
of constitutional freedom, and, in every fact, Amer- 
icans in the best sense of the word. Let us, as did 
Bryant, the poet, "Americanize every occasion and 
effort." Let us pledge ourselves to-day, that in so 
far as we are able, our country shall be not only 
the world's granary and work-shop, but its leader 
and peacemaker — in very truth one of the grandest 
and noblest of all God's great gifts to man. 

"Strike for this broad and goodly land, 
Blow after blow till man shall see 

That might and right move hand in hand, 
And glorious must their triumph be." 

Letter from William S. Stryker, Adjutant Gen- 
eral of New Jersey. 

State of New Jersey, ) 

Office of Adjutant General, \ 
Trenton, N. J., June 22, 1891. ) 
My Dear Sir : — As I wrote you before, I find 
myself in such a position this week as will prevent 
my being with you next Saturday at the joint 
meeting of the Society of the Sons of the American 
Revolution and the Monmouth Monument Associa- 
tion. New trusts, which have been committed to 
me within the past month, will keep me very 
closely confined in Trenton all this week. Be as- 
sured that it would give me great pleasure to join 
with you in commemorating the battle of Mon- 
mouth. For more than fifteen years I have given 
close study to the battles of Trenton, Princeton 



175 



and Monmouth, and it would be pleasant for me to 
again go over the battle-field of Monmouth. 

You write that I will be expected to reply to 
the toast : " The Trenton Battle Monument." It 
gives me pleasure to state that, after all these years 
of labor since 1844, when the fathers of five of the 
members of the present Association were among the 
gentlemen who started the plan for commemorating 
the battle of Trenton by erecting a monument in this 
city, but failed to see it accomplished, success now 
seems comparatively certain. Congress has appro- 
priated $30,000, the State of New Jersey $15,000, 
and I believe before you read this letter the addi- 
tional $15,000 necessary to secure these appropria- 
tions will be in our hands. 

We have adopted a design for the monument, 
which will be hollow, of the Roman-Doric style of 
architecture, and one hundred and thirty-five feet 
high, surmounted by a bronze statue of Washing- 
ton, 12 1-2 feet high. Some fifteen contractors are 
now estimating on the cost of this granite shaft, 
and their estimates are due in New York City on 
June 27th. If they are satisfactory, I think work 
will be commenced on the monument during the 
week following. Personally, I would like to see 
ground broken for this patriotic memorial on the 
morning of July 4th. I am sure that all our friends 
who will gather around the monument at Mon- 
mouth, in which I was personally interested as a 
member of the Commission charged with its erec- 
tion, will feel glad, and will rejoice with me, that 
another of these battle-fields of the Revolutionary 
War, where General Washington so greatly distin- 
guished himself, is about to be marked in so sub- 
stantial a manner. 

While duty keeps me away from your patriotic 
gathering, I am sure that all my colleagues of the 
Monmouth Battle Commission, and of the Mon- 



176 



mouth Association, will be glad to hear these 
words, though I would prefer to speak, rather than 
to write them. 

Very truly yours, 

William S. Stryker. 
Frederick Parker, Esq., 

Freehold, N. J. 

The President announced the following, 

" The Old Tennent Church," 

And called on the Rev. Frank E. Symmes, pas- 
tor of the Church, to respond. 

REV. FRANK R. SYMMES. 

Mr. Chairman :— I feel that I have an honor 
in sitting here among the worthy and honorable 
sons of the best fathers that will ever he shown in 
the history of this country. And I feel honored, 
also, in being placed in this seat between two such 
old men, one a member of the Society of the Cin- 
cinnati, and one a member of the Society of the 
Sons of the American Revolution ; one being nine- 
ty-one and a quarter years of age, and the other one 
being ninety-one and a half years of age. I always 
have a great deal of respect for " Whiteheads." 

I have felt the more honored, because you call 
me to respond to the Old Tennent Church. I sup- 
pose, first, it was because we all saw that the Old 
Tennent Church is old ; she was built a quarter of 
a century before the battle of Monmouth was 
fought, and her organization was perhaps more 
than half a century before that. She is an old 
church. How do you get at that ? She was built 
in 1753, but how do we comprehend the long pas- 
sage of years ? I will try to show you. 

You know that some young men have a pro- 
pensity for being married early in life. That is fol- 
lowing the advice of Benjamin Franklin. That 
shortens family generations, and makes young 



m 



grand-fathers. I suppose that some of your fathers 
may have followed this practice, so that while some 
of you here will say that my grand-father was 
born about the time of the building of the Old Ten- 
nent Church ; and some again will say my great- 
grandfather was born about that time ; perhaps 
some others of you will say that my great-great- 
grandfather was born about that time ; and possi- 
bly some of you can say that my great-great-great- 
grandfather was born about the time of the build- 
ing of the Old Tennent Church. And so we get 
some idea of Old Tennent being old. 

You are aware that 113 years ago, that old edi- 
fice was a silent witness of that great fight — the 
battle of Monmouth. Tradition tells us how Wash- 
ington with the main army passed within one hun- 
dred yards of its doors. And it tells how a soldier 
was sitting there in front of the door of the church 
and a cannon ball struck him and he was carried in 
and laid on one of the seats and died there, and 
there are the stains of his blood to-day. The house 
was used to some extent as a hospital. Tradition 
also tells us how some solid shot went through the 
walls of the building. But tradition must always 
be held in check. You must not let imagination 
run away with you. You know that the battle of 
Monmouth was to the south and east of the church. 
So you must not go to the west side of the church 
to see the bullet holes. Cannon balls do not go 
around that way. You must not think that every 
hole that you see is a reminiscence of the Revolu- 
tion, for Old Tennent is old, and possibly some of 
those openings were made by an old-fashioned 
woodpecker or a superannuated chipmunk. 

Old Tennent is old, but there she has stood, 
through storms of many winters, been struck by 
lightning once, and withstood the attacks of the 
hacking vandals with antiquarian proclivities, and 



178 



stood for nearly one hundred and forty years of 
use, in uninterrupted service and worship of Al- 
mighty God. 

Then, as a second thought, I think we can say 
that Old Tennent is loyal. She has loved her coun- 
try all through these years, and she has given her 
sons for her country, for if you noticed this morn- 
ing, you saw many little flags above the graves in 
the cemetery, and if you count the graves you will 
find more than eight score of soldiers' graves, rep- 
resenting all the wars that our country has been 
engaged in. If you desire to find the names of 
those patriotic men, I can refer you to Col. Yard, 
who will bring out his issue of the paper of No- 
vember 27th, 1884, and there you will find what 
sons of Old Tennent fought for the cause. We 
have out there, also, the grave of one who fought 
against us — the gallant Col. Henry Monckton, 
who led the charge so many times against the 
intrepid Wayne. We cherish his grave and want 
no one to despoil it. On Decoration Day, we put a 
little English flag there to show how brave that 
man was, while the stars and stripes are put on 
other graves. We do not mean any disloyalty ; we 
mean by cherishing that grave to show, as good 
pastor Cobb said, that "we can be a noble people 
to a conquered foe," and all the while we claim the 
greater loyalty to our government. 

Then, Old Tennent, in all her history, has been 
for the right. She believes — she don't know, but 
she sort of feels —that the makers of the Constitu- 
tion patterned after her form of Church govern- 
ment in their arrangement of the political govern- 
ment of this country. She is in accord with the 
principles of this country — a republican democracy. 
And when she has received the flag which the Sons 
of the American Revolution gave her to-day — I do 
not know how to thank you for that ' ■ Old Glory 



179 



Flag," which you have given us— but she believes 
in that flag. Old Tennent holds fast to the flag — 
the old Stars and Stripes that never have been 
beaten in any war. This flag waves, the world 
over, as one always on the winning side, and Old 
Tennent has a peculiar inclination for being on the 
winning side. And we have no scruples about 
hanging that flag all over the audience room, and 
putting it around and above the pulpit, and then 
putting the minister in there and have him preach 
that every man should vote and pay his tax to the 
support and defense of the flag. 

Then, I think we can say that Old Ten- 
nent is orthodox, and that she holds fast to the 
principles and doctrines of the old faith. She has 
a little narrow pulpit on the side of the church, as 
you saw this morning, but Old Tennent Church 
doesn't want people to believe that that is the 
character of her theology. The pulpit is also high, 
so she would rather we would say the pulpit's 
height shows, through all these past years, the high 
order of her theology. 

But we are conservative out there. We are 
holding fast to the old faith ; we walk in the steps 
of our staunch old fathers. We sit in their seats in 
the sanctuary they built, and I tell you it keeps our 
Presbyterian backs straight, and having sat there 
for forty years, as some have, how do you suppose 
we can bend our backs to new doctrines. 

Then, Old Tennent puts great store on the Bible. 
In spite of so much doubts and questionings and 
criticisms, do you know, out there at Old Tennent, 
we are actually believing that the Bible is the very 
word of God. And there she stands, holding fast to 
this belief for years, and we are holding fast yet, 
and we are a wonderfully happy people. 

The Revolution was an outcome of the teach- 
ings of the Bible put into practice. It taught our 



180 



fathers " Freedom and equal rights," and encour- 
aged them to their establishment ; and therefore, 
according to her history, according to the memory 
of her fathers, according to her love for the Govern- 
ment, Old Tennent Church means to stand by the 
old Bible. We never want to go back on it by a 
spirit to doubt its authority, or by a desire to ex 
purgate some of its portions through human wis- 
dom. 

So, you worthy Sons of the American Ee volu- 
tion, who are keeping alive the memories of our 
noble fathers, will you permit us to recommend 
you to hold fast also to their old Bible and support 
and defend it to the end of your lives. 

MR. THEODORE W. MORRIS : 

Mr. President : — There are present with us 
to-day three gentlemen who are sons of those who 
participated in the struggle for independence : — Dr. 
E. Hammond Doty, Caleb Baldwin and Benjamin 
Myer. 

Dr. Doty responded as follows : 

DR. DOTY. 

Mr. Chairman and President of the S. A. 
R. : — The action which you took, Mr. President, a 
short time since, in relation to the raising of the 
National flag throughout the State, met with my 
hearty approval, and will, no doubt, be commend- 
ed by all patriotic citizens. The fourteenth of 
June, the day on which that National flag was 
adopted by Congress, should have been held in 
memory, but it has been forgotten by the present 
generation, if their attention has ever been called 
to the date of that historical event. It was fitting 
that you, the President of a patriotic society, one 
of whose objects is to keep alive the memory of 
such events, should have called upon the citizens of 
this State to commemorate its anniversary. As a 



181 



member of that society, I rejoice that you have 
taken such a step, and honor you for it. 

Every descendant of those through whose 
struggles and privations this nation was brought 
into existence, and all who have since sought its 
protection at home or abroad, and who have adopt- 
ed that flag as their National emblem, should be 
glad to celebrate that anniversary for all time to 
come. 

I have the proud satisfaction to know, my dear 
sir, that under the shadow of that banner my own 
father, my paternal and my maternal grandfathers 
and my cousin Van Wart, one of the captors of 
Andre, did honorable service in the field, fighting 
for the liberty that every citizen of the Republic 
now enjoys. That banner floated over the Ameri- 
can Army at the battle whose anniversary we, this 
day, commemorate, and in which my own father 
participated one hundred and thirteen years ago, 
and forty years before I was born, so that I have a 
greater interest in this anniversary than any other 
person present. 

I look with reverence upon that flag now float- 
ing before us. It is the emblem of the nation's 
sovereignty — wherever it floats — on whatever sea 
or land, it is respected and honored. Every stripe 
has a meaning and every star a history that marks 
the progress of the nation, pointing to the struggles 
of the past, the realities of the present, and the 
possibilities of the future. 

That old flag our fathers followed in the battles 
of the Revolution ; it led them to victoiy ; it 
cheered them in defeat ; it was immortalized at 
Yorktown ; it made possible the triumph of Mon- 
mouth. It proclaims that the Republic is a govern- 
ment of the people, by the people and for the people. 
It exhibits to what grand dimensions the nation 
has grown since the breezes of Heaven first played 



182 



with its folds and its stars basked in the rays of the 
sun. The nation will fulfill its destiny and will en- 
large its bounds until its mission will be completed 
and that banner be adopted by the entire Western 
Hemisphere. 

There is a magnetism about those stars and 
stripes which have made the power they symbolize 
felt across the water, feared by the despotisms of 
the world, and worshipped by every true lover of 
freedom. 

I hope, Mr. President, ere long to see that flag 
wave every day over the school houses, public and 
private, of the State. Let the children of the Com- 
monwealth learn to love it, to honor it, to know 
what it typifies — and the Eepublic is safe. 

MR. MORRIS : 

Mr. Chairman : — In this very room, a few years 
ago, a minister spoke such words of eloquence that 
several of those present were converted on the 
spot, and subscribed for pews in his church. I 
would like to have you call upon Mr. Smith, the 
Chaplain of the Society. 

REV. HENRY G. SMITH : 

Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen : — I recollect 
the incident and the pew renting, and I wish to 
state that the pew rent has never been paid : there 
is now a little bill of $150 that I would be glad to 
have settled. 

The statue of Gen. Washington, that is a fa- 
miliar object in New York City, at the lower part 
of Union Square, had its origin, I believe, some- 
what as follows : 

A New York merchant, inspired with very 
much of the same ardor that now characterizes 
every Son of the American Revolution, went 
around through the community, seeking subscrip- 
tions, that he might place there in living bronze, 



183 



the form of the great hero of the American strug- 
gle. He went to an old merchant, who lived on 
the south side of Union Square, and asked for his 
subscription. The merchant had the reputation 
of being rather a close man. He said : 

"No ; I do not want to see George Washing- 
ton out there. I have him in my heart." 

And Mr. Lee arose, picked up his hat, and said : 

"Good afternoon; all I have to say is, you 
have got him in a mighty tight place." 

Gentlemen, I think after the dinner that has 
filled the lower man, and after the eloquence that 
has been flying around in electric sparks, filling the 
upper man, that we are much in the spirit of the 
merchant who had Washington in his heart, and 
our whole being is now as tight as a drum. I feel 
myself, that we are in danger not only of dyspepsia 
of the stomach, but of dyspepsia of the mind and 
heart as well. After such a meetiDg as this, I 
think what we need, is a good rousing working 
out of the enthusiam that has been worked into us. 

I believe the battles for American Independence 
are not all in the past, but that there are battles 
and struggles in the living present and in the future, 
to meet which every Son of the American Bevolu- 
tion will have to draw upon the patriotic spirit and 
the self-sacrifice that animated his ancestors, 
whose fair memories he now honors. 

I believe in that devout reverence for the past, 
for which our brother Symmes has spoken so elo- 
quently, but I believe in reverence for our own 
time ; I believe also that we have foes to face and 
enemies to our country and Government to en- 
counter that are as dangerous as the red coats and 
as heartless as the Hessians. I notice that our 
good brother Symmes has his eyes upon the pres- 
ent and though he has the Bible, thank God, never 
to be changed, yet, he tried an old-fashioned and 



184 



venerable organ that corresponded with this rever- 
ence for antiquity, but he found that it did not- 
work, and he has now the latest and most modern 
of brand new, nineteenth century pipe organs that 
he could get hold of. There always is and must be 
change ; there must be development ; there al- 
ways will be growth, for I take it that those men 
of the past were the living, active, growing men, 
facing their future, not their past ; not looking 
back to the heroes of the seventeenth century, but 
to the living world before them at that time, facing 
the difficulties of their day. 

I do not know what politics they have at the 
Old Tennent Church ; he spoke of republican de- 
mocracy.; I don't know what that means, unless it 
is prohibition. I do not know how that kind of poli- 
tics would suit the Society of the Sons of the Ameri- 
can Revolution, for, from certain indications, it 
seems to me that it is deeply regretted that one of 
the battles of the Revolution was not fought in this 
State, that they might appropriately celebrate the 
anniversary of the battle of the " Brandy wine. " 
No, sir, I take it that our society is not only for the 
glorification of our ancestors, but also for the edifi- 
cation of self. I feel that there are in our present 
age, the same struggle, the same eternal vigilance 
that is the price of liberty. They say it is harder 
to keep a fortune than it is to make one. Those 
who have not had the first experience, nevertheless 
would be willing to undergo the second I am sure, 
but yet, I feel, in looking forward now, that you 
must recognize the fact that there is the gift, freedom, 
which has been handed down to us as our inherit- 
ance, but which every Son of the American Revolu- 
tion must work for, in order to keep. Freedom may 
take a different form, in different ages. A darkey 
from the country, went into the city of Richmond 
and his city cousin was showing him the sights, 



18* 



when an electric car came along and the country 
cousin rushed out into the street. The city cousin 
said : " What are you looking for ?" and he said : 
"It seems to me, that the mule am a long ways 
ahead ?" The city cousin said : "There is no mule 
to that car at all," and he told him it was run by 
electricity, which was an invention of the Yankees. 
The country cousin said, "The Yankees are great 
folks, they came down here last generation and 
freed the negroes and now they come down and 
free the mules." 

Gentlemen, there is a struggle for freedom in 
every age, and however the forms may differ, the 
principle remains unaltered, and in jealous and ar- 
dent devotion to those high principles of freedom, 
we feel that "Eternal Vigilance is the Price of 
Liberty." 

The Chairman then called upon the Hon. Wil- 
liam T. Hoffman, who spoke as follows : 

ME. HOFFMAN. 

Mr. Chairman : — It is not at all in accordance 
with the usual methods of having "the best 
wine at the last of the feast," to call upon a plain 
lawyer to speak close to the termination of these 
festivities, when you have been so delighted with 
the eloquent and eminently suggestive words of the 
distinguished gentlemen, clerical, official and lay, 
who have preceded me. 

Apart from the many thoughts suggested by 
the gathering of friends, the convening of those 
in whose blood is the patriotism inherited from the 
fathers, the sacred ground upon which we stand, 
there has been running through my mind the preg- 
nant interrogation : Why, for what purpose, are 
we here ? Is it to listen to the speeches of the dis- 
tinguished ex-Governor, our own ex-Senator, the 
Reverend gentlemen, be they never so eloquent ? 



186 



Is it to satisfy alimentary desires in partaking of 
the good cheer of mine host Green, or even to look 
askance at the fruit of the grape in such a way as 
to cause good dominie Smith to rise to remark that 
the battle-field of Monmouth is at no great distance 
from that of Brandywine ? No, gentlemen ; these 
are but incidentals. We call ourselves the Sons of 
the American Revolution. That, as a matter of 
phrase, amounts to but little, but as a matter of in- 
nate, absolute patriotism, it indicates much ; very 
much. 

A preliminarv thought or two. It goes with- 
out saying, that the history of the American Revo- 
lution is familiar to you all. Perhaps, however, 
you will pardon me for recalling a prominent part 
of it. After the defeat of General Washington at 
Long Island, followed by the retreat across our 
own State to beyond the Delaware, throughout the 
colonies all hopes of success seemed crushed; heads 
were bowed, and hearts were bleeding. The light 
of liberty was flickering. What was there to give 
the slightest encouragement to the ragged remnant 
of an army whose footsteps left marks of blood in 
the winter's snow, as it sought safety by flight 
from a haughty and victorious foe ? It was truly 
"the time that tried men's souls." Suddenly there 
came hope and promise. On a drear wintry night, 
that army crossed the ice-clad river, defeated the 
confident aliens at Trenton, marched on to Prince- 
ton, crushed the British army led by one of its 
most efficient Generals, and then, from Massachu- 
setts to the Carol inas, every patriotic soul with 
heart and voice jubilantly shouted : " Good news 
from the Jerseys ! Good news from the Jerseys ! " 
At that crucial time, there grew into full stature, 
that rugged patriotism which made Yorktown pos- 
sible, and a free and independent Nation. 

So, for this, and more, are we proud of New 



187 

Jersey. I am a Jerseyman. I was born here, my 
father was born in New Jersey, my grand-father 
was born in New Jersey, and my great-grand- 
father would have been born in New Jersey if he 
had not been born a Dutchman. I am proud of 
New Jersey. I am proud of her Colleges, her Sem- 
inaries, of her clergy, her bench, her bar, her his- 
tory and her promise. But higher than that, deep- 
er than that, broader, wider than that, is my pride 
in the consciousness that I am an American, a cit- 
izen of this wonderful Union of States, the United 
States of America. 

Why, Sons of the American Revolution, do you 
know that we have a country whose northern win- 
dows are covered by the beautiful tracery of frost 
and snow ; whose southern open doors are filled 
with the perfume that is part of the whole atmos- 
phere perennially exhaling from the flowers which 
surround them ; whose eastern shore is bright as sil- 
ver with Atlantic's spray, and whose western sands 
are kissed by breakers tipped with gold ? We have 
every variety of soil, of climate, of product ; we 
have coal and iron, and silver and gold in abun- 
dance ; we have everything necessary to make us 
the happiest and most prosperous country in the 
world. How proud then, how careful of our honor, 
should we be as Jerseymen — as Americans ! 

This leads me up to the main thought. The 
fundamental reason for the existence of this society 
and its gathering from time to time upon our 
sacred battlefields is, must be, to more firmly fix 
that love for the ultimate object of our soldier an- 
cestors which nerved them to heroic sacrifice of all 
they had, even of life itself ! This doubtless is the 
existent, inciting idea paramount here to-day. 
What then do we care for partisan politics. My 
distinguished friend over there, (pointing to Gov. 
Green) you are a democrat ; I am a republican, but 



188 



for this great overwhelming purpose, let us be will- 
ing to forget the divisions of parties and stand as 
Jersey men, as Americans, anxious to conserve, to 
perpetuate all that makes for the best interests of 
our country and to forever abide in the faith of its 
fathers. For this I am willing to sink what is 
called democracy ; what is called republicanism. 

Now, in order to make this society the agent 
of firmly fixing the great principles suggested, I 
wish to call attention to the bed-rock of our insti- 
tutions and utter a warning cry of danger. It is 
not necessary for me to say in this presence, that 
the key of the arch of our system of government 
is the ballot, and that the perpetuity of our institu- 
tions depends absolutely upon its potentiality and 
perfectness. In other words, our safety is condi- 
tioned upon a pure ballot. The slightest defect is 
dangerous. You may build your dam with ce- 
mented granite, but let a rill of water force its way 
through it, and devastation and ruin follow. You 
may raise a pyramid of stone and the push of a girl 
will beat it down. Is danger imminent ? I have 
seen votes bought and sold at auction to the high- 
est bidders, and both seller and purchaser were so 
covered with infamy that they might wash in 
Abana and Pharpar, yea, in all the waters of Israel, 
and not be clean. I have known of men counted 
into office who were never elected, and men made 
to be defeated who had a majority of votes cast, 
and this is not confined to our locality or State. It 
is a prevalent evil. 

Now, Sons of the American Revolution, if 
there is anything in patriotism ; if the memories of 
our fathers are around and about us, if we are to 
transmit our precious heritage unimpaired to our 
children, let us highly resolve that as far as in us 
lies, we will see to it that every ballot shall be an 
absolutely pure one and it shall be counted precise- 



189 



ly as it is cast. Let us remember, that beyond all 
else, we are Americans, and resolve that our work 
and influence shall be given with heart and soul to 
whatever makes for the best interest of our coun- 
try, no matter what political party claims our 
allegiance. If that is, and is to be the great object 
of this society, then all patriots will say God-speed. 

HON. ROBERT S. GREEN : 

Mr. Chairman : — I would like to interrupt the 
proceedings for a moment, in order to make a mo- 
tion in the Society. 

Mr. President of the New Jersey Society op 
the Sons of the American Revolution : — I move 
that the thanks of this Society be tendered to the 
officers and members of the Monmouth Battle Mon- 
ument Association, and the Committee and citizens 
of Freehold, for the cordial welcome that they have 
given us on this occasion, and for the pleasant time 
that we have enjoyed to-day. 

The motion was put and carried unanimously, 
with cheers. 



New-jeieseY-socieTY 



OF THE SONS OF THE 



* : A^S KICftN ' REVOLUTION.:- 



Laying the Corner-Stone of the Trenton 
Battle Monument. 3rd Annual Meet- 
ing of the Society. 



December 26th, 1891, 

TRENTON, N. J. 




TRENTON BATTLE MONUMENT. 



LAYING THE CORNER-STONE, 

COMMEMORATION OF THE BATTLE OF TRENTON. 



The annual meeting of the Society was held 
this year in the City of Trenton. 

The Trenton Battle Monument Association had 
chosen the twenty-sixth day of December, 1891, — 
the anniversary of the Battle of Trenton — as the 
time for laying the corner-stone to be reared in 
commemoration of that battle. 

The New Jersey Society of the Sons of the 
American Revolution had been invited by the As- 
sociation to participate in the celebration, and, in 
response to that invitation, assembled in full 
force in the City of Trenton. 

In the forenoon of the day, the corner-stone of 
the monument was laid, with appropriate ceremony 
and in due form, in the presence of a large con- 
course of citizens, by his Excellency, Leon Abbett, 
Governor of the State. 

After this ceremony, the members of the So- 
ciety assembled in the parlors of the American 
House for the election of officers and the transac- 
tion of the usual annual business, after which they 
eat down to dinner in the dining rooms of the 
American House, which were most tastefully deco- 
rated under the charge of the Committee on Deco- 
ration, Messrs. Sterling and Deats. 



194 

The newly elected President, the Hon. John 
Whitehead, presided. 

Short addresses were made by the President ; 
Gen. Horace Porter, the President-General of the 
National Society of the S. A. R. ; Gen. William S. 
Stryker, Adjutant General of New Jersey ; Paul 
Revere ; Josiah Collins Pumpelly, and the Hon. 
Robert S. Green. 

The Society then proceeded to the Hall in the 
Masonic Temple, and participated in its meeting 
with the New Jersey Society of the Cincinnati. 

In the evening, a joint meeting of the Battle 
Monument Association, of the Cincinnati, of the 
New Jersey Societies of the S. R. and of the S. A. 
R., with the visitors of the several Associations 
and of the citizens of the State, was held in Tay- 
lor's Hall. Patriotic addresses were made by the 
Hon. J. R. McPherson, U. S. Senator ; Gen. Horace 
Porter, and Gen. W. S. Stryker. The meeting was 
very large and most enthusiastic. 

The day was mostly devoted to the exercises 
accompanying the celebration, which were under 
the control of the Battle Monument Association. 

The Committee of Arrangements, on the part 
of the Society, consisted of the following gentle- 
men : Col. John C. Owens, Chairman ; Gen. James 
F. Rusling, Isaac T. Wood, George Woodruff, Eu- 
gene S. Davis, Weston Jenkins. 

Committee on Decorations : Edward B. Ster- 
ling and Hiram E. Deats. 

Committee on the Press : James Sterling Yard, 
Henry Whitfield Cogill, J. Lawrence Boggs, Jr. 






1 ■ 

B fl Bl 




B ** JBH 9 




kJi 1 




WASHINGTON'S HEADQUARTERS AT MORRISTOWN. 



New«jeRseY-socieTY 



OF THE SONS OF THE 



•:y\M£RICftN • ^VOLUTION. :« 



Celebration of the 160th Anniversary of the 

Birth-day of Washington, 

1732— 1892. 



February 22nd, 1892. 

NEWARK, N. J. 



WASHINGTON'S BIRTH-DAY. 

CELEBRATION OF ITS ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTIETH 
ANNIVERSARY. 



The Daughters of the American Revolution, of 
New Jersey, met on February 22nd, 1892, by invi- 
tation, with the New Jersey Society of the Sons of 
the American Revolution, in the parlors of the 
Messrs. Davis, in Newark, N. J. 

Committee of the D. A. R. : Mrs. F. S. Cono- 
ver, Princeton, N. J. ; Miss J. R. Olmsted, Jersey 
City, N. J. ; Mrs. Reginald H. Forbes, Morristown, 
N. J. ; Mrs. Edward H. Wright, Newark, N. J. ; 
Mrs. David A. Depue, Newark, N. J. 

Committee of the S. A. R. : Col. Henry E. 
Hatfield, Newark, N. J., Chairman ; John Jackson 
Hubbell, Newark, N. J. ; George Rowland Howe, 
East Orange ; William Wallace Morris, Newark ; 
John Nicol Lindsley, Orange. 

At two o'clock, P. M., the Society, with their 
guests, assembled in the dining rooms of the Messrs. 
Davis, and sat down to lunch. 

The Hon. John Whitehead, the President of 
the Society, presided, assisted by Mesdames Depue, 
Wright and Richards. 

The Divine blessing was invoked by the Rev. 
Lyman Whitney Allen, of the South Park Presby- 
terian Church. 

At the proper time, the President announced 



198 



the toasts, prepared by the Committee of Arrange- 
ments, as follows : 

"The memory of George Washington. The 
generalship which led the Revolutionary Army 
through peril and disaster to final victory, the ge- 
nius which consolidated the States of the Union 
into one harmonious whole, and the pure patriot- 
ism which secured independence for the Republic, 
will ever live in the memory of true patriots." 

This toast was drunk reverently by all present, 
standing, and in silence. Ool. Ethan Allen, a 
member of the New York Society of the S. A. R., 
a namesake and lineal descendant of Col. Allen, of 
Revolutionary times, was expected to have respon- 
ded to this, but was not present. 

"The fathers and mothers of the American 
Revolution. Their sons and daughters this day re- 
call their virtues and their sacrifices with fervent 
gratitude, and will ever keep them in remem- 
brance." 

The President called upon Josiah Collins Pum- 
pelly, a former President of the Society, to speak 
to this, which he did in a most happy and felicitous 
manner. 

"The after Patriots." 

The Society were fortunate in the presence, 
among their invited guests, of the Rev. Isaiah B. 
Hopwood, Pastor of Calvary Church of Newark. 
The President called upon him to reply to this 
toast. Mr. Hopwood delighted his hearers by a 
most appropriate address. 

"The Daughters of the American Revolution. 
The Sons welcome them to their proper place 
as the conservators of true liberty. Encouraged by 
their presence, strengthened by their co-operation 
we pledge-ourselves anew to earnest action in the 
preservation of the institutions to secure which 
our fathers and mothers sacrificed so much." 



199 

The President responded to this and at the close 
of his remarks read the following poem written by 
a Jersey Daughter of the American Revolution 
and a great-grand-daughter of Rhoda Farrand, who 
is immortalized by the poem and by the history of 
the time : 

In the last of these Centennial days, 

Let me sing a song to a woman's praise ; 

How she proved herself in that time of strife 

Worthy of being a patriot's wife. 

A little woman she was — not young, 

But ready of wit and quiet of tongue ; 

One of the kind of which Solomon told, 

Setting their price above rubies and gold. 

A memory brave clings around her name, 

'Twas Rhoda Farrand, and worthy of fame, 

Though scarce she dreamed 'twould be woven in 

rhymes 
In these her grand-daughter's daughter's times. 

Just out of the clamor of war's alarms, 

Lay in tranquil quiet the Jersey farms ; 

And all of the produce in barn and shed 

By the lads and girls was harvested. 

For the winds of Winter, with storm and chill, 

Swept bitterly over each field and hill. 

Her husband was with the army, and she 

Was left on the farm at Parsippany. 

When she heard the sound of a horse's feet 

And Marshall Doty rode up the street ; 

He paused but a moment, and then handed down 

A letter for Rhoda, from Morristown, 

In her husband's hand — how she seized the sheet ( 

The children came running with eager feet ; 

There were Nate and Betty, Hannah and Dan, 
To list to the letter, and thus it ran, 



200 



After best greeting to children and wife : 

" Heart of his heart, and life of his life ", 

I read from the paper wrinkled and brown, 

" We are here for the winter, in Morristown, 

And a sorry sight are our men to-day, 

In tatters and rags with no signs of pay. 

As we marched to camp, if a man looked back, 

By the dropping blood he could trace our track : 

For scarcely a man has a decent shoe, 

And there's not a stocking the army through ; 

So send us stockings as quick as you can, 

My company needs them, every man, 

And every man is a neighbor's lad ; 

Tell this to their mothers ; they need them bad. v 

Then, if never before beat Rhoda's heart, 
'Twas time to be doing a woman's part, 
She turned to her daughters, Hannah and Bet : 
"Girls, each on your needles a stocking set ; 
Get my cloak and hood ; as for you son Dan. 
Yoke up the steers as quick as you can, 
Put a chair in the wagon as you're alive ; 
I will sit and knit, while we go and drive." 
They started at once on Whippany road, 
She knitting away while he held the goad. 
At Whippany village she stopped to call 
On the sisters Prudence and Mary Ball. 
She would not go in ; she sat in her chair 
And read to the girls her letter from there. 
That was enough, for their brothers three 
Were in Lieutenant Farrand's company. 

Then on Rhoda went, stopping here and there 
To rouse the neighbors from her old chair. 
Still while she was riding her needles flew, 
And minute by minute the stocking grew. 
Across the country so withered and brown, 
They drove till they came to Hanover Town. 



201 

There, mellow and rich, lay the Smith's broad lands; 
With them she took dinner and warmed her hands. 
Next toward Hanover Neck Dan turned the steers, 
Where her cousins, the Kitchels, had lived for years, 
With the Kitchels she supped, then homeward 

turned, 
While above her, the stars like lanterns burned. 
And she stepped from her chair, helped by her son 
With her first day's work and her stockings done. 

On Rockaway river, so bright and clear, 

The brown leaf skims in the Fall of the year ; 

Around, through the hills, it curves like an arm, 

And holds in its clasp more than one bright farm. 

Through Rockaway valley next day drove Dan, 

Boy though he was, he worked like a man. 

His mother behind him sat in her chair, 

Still knitting, but knitting another pair. 

They roused the valley, then drove through the 

gorge, 
And stopped for a minute at Compton's forge ; 
Then, on to Boonton, and there they were fed, 
While the letter was passed around and read. 
" Knit," said Rhoda to all, "as fast as you can 
Send the stockings to me, and my son Dan, 
The first of next week, will drive me down, 
And I'll take the stockings to Morristown." 
Then, from Boonton home, and at set of sun, 
She entered her house with her stockings done. 

On Thursday, they knit from morn till night, 

She and the girls, with all their might. 

When the yarn gave out, they carded and spun, 

And every day more stockings were done. 

When the wool was gone, then they killed a sheep, 

A cosset, but nobody stopped to weep : 

They pulled the fleece and they carded away, 

And spun and knitted from night until day. 



202 



In all the country no woman could rest, 
But they knitted on like people "possessed," 
And Parson Condit expounded his views 
On the Sabbath day unto empty pews, 
Except for a few stray lads who came 
And sat in the gallery to save the name. 

On Monday morn, at an early hour 

The stockings came in — a perfect shower — 

A shower that lasted until the night ; 

Black, brown and gray ones, and mixed blue and 

white. 
There were pairs one hundred and thirty-three, 
Long ones, remember, up to the knee ; 
And the next day Rhoda carried them down, 
In the old ox- wagon to Morristown. 

I hear, like an echo, the soldiers' cheers 
For Rhoda and Dan, the wagon and steers, 
Growing wilder yet, for the Chief in command, 
While up at " salute " to the brow flies each hand, 
As Washington passes, desiring them 
To thank Mistress Farrand in the name of his men. 
But the words that her husband's lips let fall : 
" I knew you would do it ! " were best of all. 
And I think in these Centennial days 
That she should be given her meed of praise ; 
And while we are singing of " Auld Lang Syne," 
Her name, with the others, deserves to shine. 

In the afternoon, after lunch, the Sons and 
Daughters of the American Revolution gathered in 
the First Presbyterian church, in Newark. 

Col. Henry E. Hatfield, Chairman of the Com- 
mittee of Arrangements, presided at the opening 
exercises. 

The church and pulpit were appropriately and 



203 



tastefully decorated, under the direction of the 
Committee. 

Prof. J. F. Kitchen, as organist, directed the 
music, which was rendered by the choir of the 
church. After an overture on the organ, by Prof. 
Kitchen, the choir led the congregation in singing 
"Hail Columbia." 

The Divine blessing was then invoked by the 
Rev. Isaiah B. Hopwood, of Calvary Presbyterian 
Church. 

The Chairman of the Committee of Arrange- 
ments then introduced the President of the Society, 
who spoke as follows : 

HON. JOHN WHITEHEAD. 

The New Jersey Society of the Sons of the 
American Revolution is an association of patriotic 
citizens banded together with the best of motives 
and for the purest of purposes. It is Catholic in 
its plans and Democratic in its views, requiring 
from its members only two prerequisites, good 
moral character and a lineal descent from an ances- 
tor who aided the cause of American Independence 
in the Revolution in the civil, naval or military 
service. It does not inquire whether those who 
are applicants for membership are of one political 
faith, or of another, whether they were born 
north or south of any boundary line ; nor does it 
ask from its members at whose shrine they may 
bow in worship of Almighty God. It seeks to 
unite together those who love the common coun- 
try, who would serve its best interests ; with fra- 
ternal love and bonds of triple steel it would bind 
citizens from all parts of the Republic together in 
one loyal brotherhood, so that civil strife shall 
never again invade our borders ; it would stimulate 
zeal for the preservation of Democratic institutions 
and it would lead all who dwell in this fair herit- 



204 



age in fullest devotion to the Fatherland. How it 
hopes best to accomplish all this let its constitution 
tell. 

The second article of that document reads thus : 

" The purposes of this Society are to keep alive 
among ourselves and our descendants, and in the 
community, the patriotic sjnrit of the men who 
achieved American independence; to collect and 
secure for preservation, the manuscript rolls, records 
and other documents relating to the war of the Rev- 
olution, and to promote social intercourse and fel- 
lowship among its members." 

Surely such plans and purposes as these need 
no apology, require no argument to prove their 
usefulness ; they commend themselves to the 
judgment, the confidence of every true hearted 
patriot. 

On the 26th of December, 1776, the great com- 
mander of the army of patriots, who had fled be- 
fore the victorious British, after the disasters on 
Long Island, recrossed the Delaware and fought 
what is called in history the Battle of Trenton. 
The result of that event thrilled the heart of every 
citizen loyal to the cause of Freedom ; it confirmed 
the doubting and made them active in efforts to 
achieve liberty ; it nerved the arms and strength- 
ened the purpose of the Continental Congress ; it 
invigorated the dispirited and the despairing ; it 
dissipated the black clouds of despair and gloom 
which had settled down upon the country ; it 
roused the friends of America all over the world 
and insured substantial aid from France. It was 
the turning point in the struggle — the decisive bat- 
tle of the war. 

So, in furtherance of the fundamental idea of 
its organization, the Society, at the very beginning 
of its history, determined to hold its annual meet- 
ing on the anniversary of this auspicious contest, 



205 



whose memory was so dear to the heart of every 
patriotic Jerseyman. Yearly, ever since it had an 
existence, the Association has met regularly on 
the return of that anniversary and recalled, as best 
it could, the memories of that day so fraught with 
results which secured the freedom of the Colonies. 
It was a fitting selection ; and eminently proper 
that Jerseymen should choose that day for the an- 
nual meeting of a Society which proclaimed to the 
world that one of its purposes is to keep alive 
among its members and their descendants, and in 
the community, " the patriotic spirit of the men 
who achieved American Independence." 

New Jersey, during the war, was the theatre 
of the most important events connected with that 
mighty struggle, and has been well termed ' ' the 
Belgium of the Revolution." Many contests took 
place upon its soil which commended themselves 
to the patriotic recollection of the members of the 
Society, and demanded recognition from them. 
Among these were Red Bank, Monmouth, and 
Springfield. While the results of the Trenton af- 
fair were so important and so influential that its 
anniversary seemed pre-eminent and most worthy 
of being selected as the day for the annual meet- 
ings of the Society, these other battles were not 
forgotten, and the members have gathered from 
time to time on the battle-fields, the scenes of these 
contests, and have recalled the precious memories 
which clustered around them. Eloquent lips have 
rehearsed the gallant deeds and valiant achieve- 
ments ; told of the heroes who mingled in the bat- 
tles and fought them ; have drawn inspirations 
from the past for the present, and instilled lessons 
of patriotism into the minds of the listeners. Those 
who listened felt their hearts swell with purer pa- 
triotism, and went back to their life-work freshen- 



206 



ed and invigorated for labor, and firmly resolved, 
if necessary, to do and dare all for the Eepublic 
which had cost their fathers so much to establish. 
It was good to have been there and to have learned 
what those fathers had done — how they had suffer- 
ed and what they had accomplished. 

The Sons of the American Kevolution, as they 
looked around and contrasted the peaceful scenes, 
which surrounded them, with those of other times, 
when from those happy places where then they 
stood, there rang out the rude alarms of war — 
where all was fierce and savage strife, and the 
blood of patriots was shed without stint — turned 
away with glistening eyes and with swelling hearts 
and determined that the fair heritage those fathers 
had transmitted to them, should descend to the re- 
motest generation the fairest domain ever entrust- 
ed to human government. 

Scattered all over New Jersey are other spots 
hallowed by the sacrifices of heroes where the un- 
trained but persistent valor of the patriots of the 
Colonies met and defeated their enemies and the 
enemies of their country. To these sacred spots 
will we go as pilgrims visiting holy shrines, and 
there recall the memories of the past and nerve 
ourselves with those memories for renewed service 
to the country. Our devotion to the Eepublic will 
become more sincere ; our love for its institutions 
brighter and stronger ; our patriotism more self- 
denying, as we thus think of the past, and fill our 
minds and hearts with its sacred inspirations. At 
Princeton the courtly Mercer fell ; at Navesink 
the gallant Huddy met his heroic death at the 
hands of base and malignant foes ; at Morristown 
the stately form of him whom we this day remem- 
ber, passed in and out, " firm-paced and slow," the 
observed of all observers, the cynosure of all eyes ; 
there, too, the fathers of the Revolution proved 



2.07 

their patriotism by the severest of tests — suffer- 
ings from the cold, from hunger, from exposure to 
the tempest and to the storm, and from neglect. 
Time forbids the mention of other spots in the 
State, to which the memory ever goes back when 
the contests of the Revolution are recalled. 

The Society does not purpose alone to remem- 
ber battles and events. There is a higher, nobler 
study, and a better way in which to carry out its 
objects, and that is the study of the individual hero 
and patriot. Battles are fought by aggregates of 
men, but individuals must necessarily lead these 
aggregates. As we celebrate the anniversary of 
the battle, we honor the soldiers who fought, but 
we never fail to recognize the genius and heroism 
of the leaders. The nameless heroes die neglected 
and fill forgotten graves. They pass into oblivion, 
their virtues forgotten, their brave deeds unre- 
corded. Their courage, their fortitude won the 
battle, but, from necessity their leaders win the 
laurel crown. So, when we speak of those who 
deservedly claim our praise, we cannot fail to re- 
member those to whom we owe so much but 
whom we cannot name. 

The annals of New Jersey are full of these 
names, leaders in the Revolution to whom the men 
of those times looked for guidance and wisdom. 
They were leaders in council, in bloody war and in 
prompt and decisive action. Brave, gallant souls ! 
Some of them have not been remembered as they 
should have been for their nobility of soul ; their 
untiring, unselfish devotion to the cause of Free- 
dom. We purpose to rescue these forgotten heroes 
from this unmerited oblivion. 

Only a few of those immortal names who 
stand out brightly on the pages of their country's 
history of those times can now be mentioned. As 
time rolls on apace it is to be hoped that full re- 



208 



cords of all shall be obtained and preserved in the 
archives of the Society. Listen to the names of 
some of these worthies. Among the New Jersey 
statesmen — Richard Stockton, signer of the De- 
claration of Independence, last Whig Justice of the 
Supreme Court of the Colony, and who might have 
been the first Chief Justice of the State, under the 
Constitution of 1776, if he would have accepted, 
and who was done to an early death by sufferings 
at the hands of his brutal British captors ; David 
Brearly, taken from the army and made Chief Jus- 
tice ; Elisha Boudinot, Secretary of the Committee 
of Safety ; Silas Condict, member of the Conti- 
nental Congress ; Caleb Camp, Aaron Ogden, also 
members of the Committee of Safety ; Abraham 
Clark, fearless, honest and quaint Abraham Clark ; 
Joseph Hedden, also a member of the Council of 
Safety, whose exposure to the severity of a Winter's 
night in his night clothes, caused his death. In the 
army Oliver Spencer, Frederick Frelinghuysen, 
Elias Dayton, Mark Thompson, Major Samuel 
Hayes, who has not received deserving notice for 
his gallant conduct during the war ; Jonathan 
Dayton, after the establishment of peace, foremost 
in the councils of the Nation ; Matthias Ogden ; 
William Winds, the man of thunder tones ; Wil- 
liam Alexander, sometimes called Lord Sterling ; 
Richard Howell, Ebenezer Elmer, John N. Cum- 
ming, Captain Jonathan Condit, Gen. William 
Maxwell, Lieut. William Sandford Pennington, 
who sacrificed a fortune rather than prove recreant 
to the call of patriotic duty, afterwards Justice of 
the Supreme Court and Governor of the State. 
But why continue the list of worthies ? These are 
only a very few of those who ought to be remem- 
bered. It will be a grateful task for the Society of 
the Sons of the American Revolution to attempt 
the rescue of these good men from an impending 



209 



oblivion. Can any more worthy object employ the 
hearts and minds of American citizens ? 

And now we have come to pay our tribute of 
gratitude to the noblest hero of them all. More 
eloquent lips will tell of his achievements, will re- 
count his virtues and teach us lessons from his 
eventful life. 

Fellow citizens ! We invite you to unite with 
us in our recognition of the debt we owe to him, 
who on this day, one hundred and sixty years ago, 
first saw the light of heaven. His life was devoted 
to his country, he led the army of patriots to vic- 
tory, he secured for us, for our children, for our 
children's children American Independence, and 
when he had done this by his consummate skill, 
his unerring judgment, he guided the Republic safe- 
ly through the perils of its first years of existence. 
When we think of George Washington and re- 
member that his virtues are the common property 
of all the citizens of the country, and when we 
value aright the legacy he bequeathed us we can 
well say : We will never despair of the Republic ! 

The choir then sang, with thrilling effect, " The 
Star-Spangled Banner," the congregation joining 
in the chorus. 

The President of the Society then introduced 
the orator of the occasion, the Rev. Lyman Whit- 
ney Allen, pastor of the South Street Presbyterian 
Church, who delivered the following address : 

REV. LYMAN WHITNEY ALLEN. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON AND THE AMERI- 
CAN REVOLUTION. 

The celebration of the advent of great men is 
also the commemoration of great epochs of which 
they are representative. Great men are crystalliza- 



210 

tions through inherent power of multitudinous 
cohesive forces in human life and history. Moses, 
embodiment of inspired jurisprudence ; Caesar, 
figuration of centuried imperialism ; Angelo, fash- 
ioner of history's fulness of sensuous form ; Luther, 
impersonation of development of spiritual freedom ; 
Goethe, registrar of the poetic philosophy of cen- 
turies ; Washington, complete realization of Anglo- 
Saxon liberty and free Christian institutions. 

We are assembled in honor of the birthday of 
George Washington, Commander-in-Chief of the 
Army of the American Revolution and first Presi- 
dent of the United States of America. And to-day 
we truly commemorate the birth of American inde- 
pendence and the rising of the sun of American 
liberty that shall know no setting. 

We come into touch in this hour with one of 
the greatest periods in the world's history. We 
are to face the battlefield where mediaevalism and 
modern civilization fought for empire, and mediae- 
valism went down before its heaven-empowered 
foe. It was a battle of centuries. Generations 
fell in the fight ; but in each lull of the conflict the 
banner of human rights floated nearer to the front. 
That was beyond the sea, and mediaevalism, first 
wounded by the Chevaliers of the Crusades and 
that staggered beneath Cromwell's Ironsides, rising 
once again with Charles II, found no seat of em- 
pire upon American shores. For more than a cen- 
tury, the ships, whose prows shone with the 
splendor of an occidental sun, brought to this 
western land lovers of freedom, men who chose 
rather to cross the sea and in peace worship God 
and build up free institutions, than to remain the 
slaves of kings and the serfs of absolutism. When 
at last mediaevalism and monarchism rashly fol- 
lowed in pursuit, they met the same stern phalanx 
of opposition that King John met in the meadows 



211 



of Runnymede and Prince Rupert on the fields of 
Marston Moor and Naseby. 

A narrow channel across the sea lined by Eng- 
lish embrasures and English cannon, and none 
other for American exports ; English vulture claws 
of taxation deep-set into every American product ; 
English circles of proscription about the very trees 
of American forests ; England's throttling grip 
upou the iron of American hills, the wool of Ameri- 
can flocks, the sugar and cotton of American plan- 
tations ; England forbidding with tyrannic gestures 
of blood stained hands whose every finger was a 
bayonet, the smoke of American factories, the roar 
of American looms. By Navigation Act, by Stamp 
Act, by Declaratory Act, by Tea-tax Act and by 
other tyrannical acts, English cupidity depredator 
to American labor, English profligacy thief to 
American accumulation, English impecuniosity in- 
vading American treasures with hands of a brigand. 
By slight, by slur, by disparagement, by defama- 
tion, by sarcasm, by satire, by ridicule, by con- 
tempt, by insult, by affront and by ostracism, 
craven lips, long accustomed to kiss iron-shod feet 
of kings, breathing forth against those who in the 
new land of America substituted people for sover- 
eign, and whose knees bent to none save him who 
holds the seven stars in his right hand. These were 
the causes of the American Revolution. 

Acquaintance with history hurls us into the 
spirit of that age. We echo to-day the watch- 
words of that struggle for liberty, " Taxation with- 
out representation is tyranny." Behold America's 
first tea-party growing into America's first Conti- 
nental Congress, a statement to English ears of 
American wrongs, an appeal to Colonial hearts 
against the stern decrees of insane statesmanship 
and infamous absolutism. Who can forget the 
opening of that first American Congress ? Duche ! 



212 



thy canonical robes and thy prayer-book could not 
stem the tide of impetuous petition. Patrick 
Henry ! thy burning lips could not restrain the 
phrase that was the refrain of every heart : " I am 
an American." 

But the echo of Duche and of Henry was the 
thunder of Concord and Lexington : 

" By the rude bridge that arched the flood, 
Their flag to April's breeze unfurled, 
There once the embattled farmers stood, 
And fired the shot heard round the world." 
Paul Revere rode well that night, and the un- 
trained patriots of Massachusetts, rising to meet 
the disciplined British regulars told how truly the 
clattering hoofs of Revere's charger and the clang- 
ing bells of night-tide had done their work. Yes, 
the dead and wounded patriots lying in front of 
the church at Lexington sealed America's unwrit- 
ten declaration of Independence ; and the British 
regulars fleeing back to Boston before the smoking 
muskets of the Massachusetts farmers were prophe- 
cies of the to-be. 

The anxious months and feverish days sped on. 
Another American Congress was meeting the issue 
of independence. Independence ! It was in the 
air, it was in every pathway, it rose each morn 
with the rising sun, and at eve it was a splendor 
that would not away. Independence or slavery, 
no alternative. The inevitable must be met. The 
blood-shed of Lexington could not be forgotten. 
Already indignant patriots were gathering about 
the British Army in Boston. Defences were ris- 
ing. Men were enrolling. The Army of the Revo- 
lution was entering the field. There must be a 
commander. In this great moment one name was 
upon all lips. Congress expressed the impulse of 
the American people and placed at the head of the 



213 



Army of the Revolution the foremost man in 
America, George Washington. 

Standing before the Congress of 1775, asserting 
his devotion already proven in legislative hall and 
upon the field of battle, and his trust in Almighty 
God for ability to discharge his duties, accepting 
his commission as Commander-in-Chief of the 
American Army, refusing all remuneration and 
laying upon the altar of his country his all, George 
Washington appears before us as the leader and 
guiding spirit of the American Revolution. 

If ever God wrought in the training of indi- 
vidual character for national use, it was exempli- 
fied in Washington. Given the necessary preroga- 
tive of that day — an aristocratic birth — yet preven- 
ted from an education in Eugland, he was fitted by 
position and by touch with men for the leadership 
which was awaiting him. Restrained from enter- 
ing the British service by his love for his mother, 
he was saved from swearing allegiance to the king 
of Eugland and kept for America's higher service, 
having never worn a British uniform or drawn a 
commissioned sword under a British flag. Trained 
by years of surveying and acquaintance with great 
tracts of territory, he was prepared for battle-field, 
defence and siege. Thrust by martial love and ex- 
igencies of the time into oft warfare, he learned all 
the subtleties of Indian conflict and the tactics of 
British regulars. Known to the American people 
through his expeditions into the Ohio Valley, and 
through his published journals, he won their es- 
teem and confidence. He was one of those men 
whom God trains and then hurls into the breaches 
of human history to save the world. 

But while Washington was accepting his com- 
mission, Generals Howe and Burgoyne, Generals 
Clinton and Pigot, with their armies, were threat- 
ening Boston from Copp's Hill and from English 



214 



vessels in the Medford and the Charles ; and Bos- 
ton's roofs and steeples were thronged with excited 
multitudes, and Charlestown was in flames, while 
across the city on Breed's Hill, amid the British 
fire, the American Army was throwing up breast- 
works. The next day the battle was fought. We 
all know the story of Bunker Hill — how the British 
regulars, twice repulsed, at last carried the works 
because of the failure of American ammunition, 
and how when Washington heard the story of the 
battle, and of the bravery of the patriots, he ex- 
claimed : " The liberties of the country are safe." 

Who can forget Dorchester Heights and 
Howe's evacuation of Boston, and Washington's 
triumphal entry. Event succeeded event that 
thrills us as we read — that stirs us as we hear. 
And all this time independence was the one thought 
— the one cry of every heart — until at last, July 
4th, 1776, it burnt itself into fifty-six signatures to 
America's declaration of freedom. How the words 
flashed from flying courier to excited multitude, 
each individual an electric telegraph ! How the 
joyous shout went up from village and city, from 
field and workshop ! How the glorious and solemn 
words were read to the Army drawn out in full ar- 
ray amid waving of banners and booming of guns ! 
How from the sacred pulpit they were repeated, 
while worshipping multitudes bowed their heads 
and rendered silent praise to God ! 

But this was only the declaration of indepen- 
dence. Independence, so gloriously and boldly de- 
clared, must be fought for and won. And this was 
to be the mission of George Washington and the 
Army of the American Eevolution. 

The story of the following five years of battle 
and bloodshed, of defeat and victory, cannot be 
told. Independence declared was soon found to be 
very different from independence won and proven. 



215 

This was a critical hour. The darkness was gath- 
ering. All hearts but one quailed. Washington 
alone was the voice of faith amid the hush and un- 
dertone of despair. Confronted by enemies, check- 
ed by rivals, restrained by an ignorant Congress, 
hindered by a doubting people, his army disinte- 
grating, his militia deserting him, a superior and 
advancing foe facing him, any other man would 
have wavered. But Washington never. Alone he 
stood in the fast gathering darkness— calm, intre- 
pid, vigilant, sublime. 

This was England's hour. The blow so long 
meditated was now to fall — the severing of the 
Middle from the Eastern States by seizing the line 
of the Hudson and opening communication with 
Canada by way of Lake George and Lake Cham- 
plain, Burgoyne sweeping down from the north, 
Howe advancing from the south. With an Eng- 
lish Army between New England and the Southern 
States, where would be American independence — 
where would be the liberties long hoped and prayed 
for I It was at this moment that New Jersey came 
to the front as the battle-ground of the Revolution 
and the strategic territory and turning point in the 
war of American independence. 

The panorama is familiar. Now he lands his 
nine thousand troops, under the shadow of night 
and God's outstretched hand, from off Long Island 
on the Jersey shore ; now he warily retreats before 
superior forces behind the Hackensack ; now on 
to our own city ; ever calling for reinforcements ; 
now moving still further back to New Brunswick, 
to Princeton, to Trenton, and now across the Dela- 
ware. 

The darkest hour of the Revolution is at hand. 
To all others the sun of independence is fast set- 
ting. But not so to him whom God raised up to be 
the Joshua of America. Still hopeful, still coura- 



216 



geous, undaunted by a British Army thirty thous- 
and strong, the brave commander lifts up again his 
voice for advance. That Christmas night is im- 
mortal. As Elisha was encompassed by the heav- 
enly chariots filling the sacred hills about him, so, 
methinks, this leader of a chosen people was atten- 
ded and guarded by the hosts of God. "Wash- 
ington ! thy boats across the icy drift of the Dela- 
ware are safe. No winter winds, no rushing cur- 
rent, can foil thy purpose now. For the destiny of 
the world rests upon thine emprise, and the God of 
history holds thy sword ! Reinforced and encour- 
aged by victory, he marches on, from Trenton to 
Princeton, from Princeton to Morristown, from 
Morristown to Valley Forge, from Valley Forge to 
Monmouth and Springfield, and on and on to York- 
town and final victory — victory answering the cry 
of a burdened people : " How long Lord, how 
long" ; victory at the hands of God who fought 
our battles here and at the same time scourged our 
enemies with relentless blows across the sea ; vic- 
tory hastened by helping hands reached out in the 
darkest hour from the land of Lafayette, to which 
to-day, after one hundred and sixty years, we turn 
with reiterated thanks and gratitude. 

There are too many scenes for our canvas and 
the life of the great hero moves too swiftly for the 
slow touches of our brush. Behold him at Morris- 
town, saying adieu to the brave men whom he 
should never see again ! Behold him at Fraunces' 
Tavern embracing his officers and shedding tears 
as he bids them farewell ! Behold him from 
Mount Vernon to New York, receiving with child- 
like simplicity ovation after ovation, under span- 
ned arches, over strewn flowers, past whispered 
blessings and loud cheers from thousands of lips I 
Behold him at New York refusing a crown and 
stooping to kiss the open Bible as he takes the oath 



217 

of office ! Behold him for eight years standing at 
the helm of this new republic and guiding her into 
safe waters ! Behold him at Mount Vernon refus- 
ing continuance of honors, but moving among the 
people a very father, beloved and glorified ! Behold 
him at the last hour hoping in God and passing 
away to larger liberty wherewith his Lord had 
made him free, accepting with meekness from 
heavenly hands the crown which he had proudly 
refused on earth. 

But shall we not pause a moment in retrospec- 
tion to view the character of this hero 8 Washing- 
ton was a man of large intellect, trained by con- 
tact with men and by touch with various environ- 
ments. His was a mind that understood needs and 
how to meet them, that knew men and how to 
control them, that grasped the larger phase of 
events and was able to differentiate between op- 
portunity and expedient. While not a prophet, he 
by swift intuition was a forecaster of events. While 
not a sage, he by wise action manifested most 
sound judgment. While not exaggerating difficul- 
ties, he by warnings and entreaties demonstrated 
his reasonable apprehension of dangers. On battle 
field and in civil life, his words were wise, his deeds 
sagacious. Who in like circumstances could more 
fully have turned retreat across New Jersey into 
consummate generalship ? Who with greater 
strategic power could have chosen other than the 
heights of Morristown for threatening the Hudson, 
terrorizing New York and for survey of the entire 
field of operations ? Who in similar situation could 
have more truly kept his army in motion, unsur- 
prised, undecoyed into decisive action, subtly at- 
tacking yet not defeated ? Who in like circum- 
stances would have more thoroughly held and con- 
trolled an untrained, almost mutinous army, pun- 
ishing vices, rebuking religious levity, restraining 



218 



gossips, repressing jealousies, establishing police re- 
gulations, compelling legal enforcements of rights, 
and driving moral strength and power into thous- 
ands of men and binding them together into obe - 
dience and invincibility ? Who more magnificently 
than Washington for eight years afterward, beset 
by enemies, crossed by jealous rivals, could have 
given his services more unflinchingly and devotedly 
to his country, that the American Eevolution 
might be as a tree, full-grown into ripe and luscious 
fruitage ? 

Great though he was as a soldier and a general, 
Washington was greater as a man. In that great- 
ness, let us rather call it goodness, the American 
people reposed. His goodness gave larger great- 
ness to his generalship and to his civic power. He 
was the embodiment of virtue, tenderness, sym- 
pathy, adherence to paths of duty, patient endurance 
for sake of right and firm trust in God. It was in the 
first Continental Congress that as the members sat 
and stood about Duche during his impassioned 
prayer for AmericaD liberty, one form alone knelt 
upon the floor ; it was the form of Washington. 
It was at Valley Forge that a soldier saw in the 
night-time among the bushes a form kneeling in 
the snow praying to God for help in that terrible 
crisis ; it was the form of Washington. 

Washington has been canonized by the Ameri- 
can people for a hundred years. Let it be so. Hu- 
manity needs ideals. Let Washington be held in the 
future as in the past, "first in war, first in peace 
and first in the hearts of his countrymen. " From the 
lofty pedestal where a nation's love and gratitude 
have placed him, our hero of the Eevolution calls 
down to us to-day for larger, richer, holier charac- 
ter and citizenship. 

But Washington was not the only hero in this 
long, hard struggle. There were humbler men 



219 



who were his kindred in heroism and in sacrifice. 
The heroes of the American Eevolution ! Who 
were they ? They were the sons of patriots. They 
were men into whose memories had been burned 
the scenes of earlier struggles upon English shores. 
They were men whose souls thrilled with the his- 
tory of the English commonwealth — whose hearts 
echoed the songs of Covenanters and Huguenots — 
whose veins throbbed with the blood of the May- 
flower pilgrims and the bold-hearted of Amster- 
dam. They were men who loved the paths of lib- 
erty even though lined with thorns. Liberty was 
their goddess and they counted even their life a 
sweet oblation to pour at her feet. They had for- 
saken homes for freedom, and home was to them 
where freedom was enshrined. Liberty was not 
an abstraction, not a speculation, not a sentiment. 
It meant reason, conscience, conviction. It had 
become endeared by the sufferings of their fore- 
fathers. And since life had been sweetened by the 
mixing into their cup the blood of their ancestors, 
they were willing to pour it into the chalice which 
they were to offer to their posterity, the currents 
of their own being. 

Who shall recount their toils and trials ? Who 
shall picture their weariness and suffering ? March- 
ing through dreary hours with unshod feet, stain- 
ing frozen ground with their blood, resting oft- 
times at night with little save the cold sky for 
their covering, fighting battles upon which hung 
the world's destinies, with rusty muskets unsafe 
for half a charge of powder, their garments falling 
to pieces, cold and hungry, wearied and exhausted, 
unsupported and unthanked, yet marching on, yet 
fighting on for liberty. These were the soldiers of 
the Revolution. These were the men who pur- 
chased our freedom. 

And among these men were nearly twenty 



220 



thousand from our own State whose names are our 
heritage — whose deeds are our possession. Let the 
records tell the story. Let history paint the pic- 
tures. Jersey men in Spencer's regiment, in Max- 
well's brigade, in Lee's Virginia legions, in Hazen's 
Canadian battalions, in Washington's body-guard 
— its very lieutenant a Jersey man. Jersey men be- 
fore Quebec and Ticonderoga. Jerseymen at Eliza- 
bethtown, and Bound Brook, and Rahway. Jer- 
seymen at Trenton, and Princeton, and Monmouth. 
Jerseymen at the Brandy wine and at Germantown. 
Jerseymen on that cold, dark, Christmas night, 
crossing the Delaware. Jerseymen in the long, 
dreary winter at Valley Forge, making history not 
alone by brave fighting, but by noble suffering. 
And to-day their descendants, Sons and Daughters 
of the American Revolution and lovers of the tra- 
ditions of their fathers, keeping green the memory 
of the heroes of the Revolution, holding them forth 
before the people to inspire in the generations of to- 
day, and of the ages to come, that same spirit of 
patriotism that shall preserve and perpetuate 
American independence and true American citizen- 
ship. 

The American Revolution was not simply a 
strife between England and America, but between 
two great parties in both England and America. It 
was the continuation of the battle centuries old for 
Anglo-Saxon freedom. Washington and Franklin 
simply trod the pathways of Hampden, Vane, and 
Cromwell. It was republic against monarchy — 
popular rights against absolutism. 

Names may change and forms alter. George 
III and the red-coats of 1776 have passed away. 
But foes in different guise stand face to face to- 
day with American patriots, and Anglo-Saxon 
freedom calls for adherents. Absolutism is ever 
the same, whether it be king, or corrupt polit- 



221 



ical power, or social iniquity. The principle for 
which our forefathers fought was antagonistic to 
any form of power which treads upon the natural 
rights of man. The Army of the Revolution 
fought for human liberty, but we, the descendants 
of those heroes, are called upon to fight for the 
perpetuation of those liberties. 

As the liberties of the American people were in 
danger one hundred years ago, just as truly are 
they in danger to-day. No army from across the 
sea faces us. But forces of evil within our own 
land, so dearly bought, are sweeping upon us, 
breathing forth slaughter against all that is best 
and purest in American civilization. These must 
be met and defeated or else American liberty will 
be only a name of what once was. 

Who are the nineteenth century Red-Coats % 
Who are the Tories of to-day ? They are those who 
are the enemies of liberty exalting the personal 
rights of the individual above that of the freedom 
of the entire people. They are those who, driving 
the gilded chariot of a corrupt political machinery 
here and there, up and down the lengths and 
breadths of our land, command pure powers and 
forces of integrity to clear the way before its ad- 
vance. They are those who, robing a beer-keg 
with the trappings of royalty and power, bid the 
American people bow down in unquestioned obe- 
dience. They are those who, with iron hand upon 
convention and ballot box, upon jury and legisla- 
ture, upon municipal assemblies and executive of- 
ficers, upon factories and corporations, upon work- 
shop and counting room, upon pulpit and pew, are 
sealing lips that should speak forth, are tying 
hands that should be uplifted, are crowding out 
forces that should be at the front. We decry the 
Navigation Act, and the Stamp Act, and other 
acts of taxation in the times of our fathers, and 



222 

yet we are taxed by an infamous absolutism to 
support half a million saloons, to maintain hun- 
dreds of insane asylums and penitentiaries, nine- 
tenths of whose inmates are there through drink. 
We applaud the Colonial "tea-spillers," as Wen- 
dell Phillips called them, emptying $90,000 worth 
of tea into Boston harbor. Would to God there 
were enough of such patriots in America to-day 
who would, if necessary, empty all the beer-kegs 
and whiskey-barrels into the Passaic, the Missis- 
sippi, and the two oceans. Shall we submit longer 
to the defiance of the saloons, to the dictations of 
political rings, to the rulings of race-track legisla- 
tors ? Patriots of America, be not silent ; let your 
voices be heard. Let wrongs be blazoned forth 
that all may know. Drag chicanery into light that 
all may see. Cry out against iniquity. 

The years preceding the American Revolution 
were years of agitation throughout the country. 
In the home, on the street, in the field, in work- 
shop, in counting-room, on shipboard, in legislative 
hall, English tyranny and oppression, popular 
rights and how to obtain them, wrongs of an op- 
pressed people and how to right them — all these 
were discussed. The children heard them on every 
hand, and grew up to feel that they must stand 
against all forms of absolutism. Had it not been 
for the agitation that preceded, we could not have 
had those stirring features of the First American 
Congress ; we would have had no Patrick Henry 
bold enough openly to defy the King of England ; 
we would have had no James Otis fiery enough to 
give the watchwords to the years that succeeded : 
we should have had no Washington ready to hold 
the helm in the great conflict, and no army to fire 
down the slopes of hills and to march across the 
valleys of New Jersey trailing its fastnesses with 
blood. 



223 

American liberty, won for us by our forefa- 
thers, must be held and perpetuated by us to-day, 
and given to our posterity as true and beautiful as 
when we received it. This is to be done by agita- 
tion. There is tremendous apathy among Chris- 
tian men in public affairs. This is one of the worst 
auguries for the future of our country. Christian 
citizenship has "abdicated its sovereignty." Its 
apathy is due to business and commercial pressure, 
to social occupations and, in some cases, to moral 
cowardice. True Americanism is asleep, and you, 
Sons of the American Revolution, must rouse it 
from its slumbers. True Americanism is paralyzed 
with apathy, and you, Sons of the American Revo- 
lution, must stir it to new life. If every patriot in 
America will agitate these questions, proclaiming 
the wrong that is robed in garments of power, and 
make known with clarion voice the needs of a free 
people and the rights of individuals and home, then 
American liberty and American institutions will 
never perish from this fair land. 

We need also the education of our people to 
understand what their rights are, and how they are 
being robbed of their prerogatives. Henry Cabot 
Lodge, when the Federal Election Bill was before 
Congress, said : 

"It proceeds on the sound American theory 
that all that is necessary in the long run to secure 
good government, to cure evils of any kind in the 
body politic, is that people should be correctly in- 
formed and should know all the facts." 

Do our people understand that they are being 
wronged ? Do they know that the laws are not 
enforced 3 Are they aware that there are powers 
at work sapping the foundations of the state, and 
of the family, and destroying the very principles 
which should protect life, liberty, and the pursuit 
of happiness ? Let us not only agitate, but edu- 



224 



cate. There are thousands upon thousands of the 
people of this country who do not know the story 
of the American Revolution. There are thousands 
upon thousands of immigrants coming to this 
country every year who do not know the story of 
American freedom. They should be taught. They 
should be educated in the principles of American 
liberty. And there are Americans by the thous- 
ands who do not themselves understand what are 
their rights, and how they are being tampered 
with. Emphasize the study of American history 
in your public schools. Let every individual who 
loves American liberty be a teacher. Let Christian 
men speak through the press — the great educator 
of the day. Let the pulpit be bold in declaring 
what is right, and urging the people to do their 
duty. So, by agitation and education, shall our 
people be brought to think, and to realize the situ- 
ation, and to defend their rights. 

In the times of the American Revolution, agi- 
tation and education took the form of organized ef- 
fort — organized resistance. There must be an 
American Army if there was to be an American 
government. There must be American legislative 
action and cooperative effort if American rights 
were to be obtained. And so, to-day, in this more 
truly than any other age in the world's history the 
age of organization, must this be. The hosts of 
evil are organized. Is the non-enforcement of our 
laws simply by individuals ? Is the trampling up- 
on the rights of our laws simply by individuals ? Is 
the oppression of immorality that comes upon us 
simply from individuals ? No ; but in nearly every 
case it is from an organized and cooperative force. 
The violation of our Sabbath is not from individu- 
als so much as it is from a great, organized, coope- 
rative liquor traffic. The corruption of our politics 
is not so much by individuals as by a great, organ- 



225 



ized, corrupt political machinery which is sapping 
the roots of our whole political system. And if 
moral men, and Christian men, would have the 
moral and Christian enforcement of law, and the 
perpetuation of liberty, they must cooperate and 
organize. Simply going to the ballot-box and de- 
positing a vote — simply lifting one's voice on the 
street, or in legislative hall — is not enough. There 
must be organized forces, combined efforts, coope- 
rative powers. Christ prayed, at the close of his 
life, that His people might be perfected into one, 
that the world might know that God had sent Him 
into the world. And the kingdom of righteous- 
ness is to be advanced only by organized, coopera- 
tive effort. Christian people must be united, so 
that through the power of organized effort, the 
world may know that God moves and reigns. It 
was agitation and organized effort that killed the 
Louisiana lottery. It was cooperation that killed 
the race-track bills of New Jersey. Let the gath- 
ering of Christian men and women before the New 
Jersey legislature teach us a lesson. Let the lot- 
tery agitation teach us a lesson, that whenever 
Christian people will combine, and will lift up their 
voices and their energies in the cause of true gov- 
ernment, pure laws, and the enforcement of pure 
laws, they will triumph. 

Washington and the heroes of the American 
Revolution had their mission. And you, men and 
women of to-day, have yours, equally as great, 
equally as important. 

Who was the great strategist and great Gene- 
ral of the Revolution ? Washington ? No ; it was 
Almighty God. It was God who sent the tempest 
that drove the British ships from Dorchester 
Heights and gave Washington possession of Bos- 



226 

ton. It was God who spread the dense fog over 
the Long Island shores for Washington's safe re- 
treat in that critical hour. It was God who swell- 
ed river upon river with torrents of rain and made 
Greene's retreat a marvel of achievement. It was 
God who piloted Washington across the Delaware 
and that sent the fleet of DeGrasse into American 
harbors to consummate with victory eight years of 
struggle. 

And the same God is with American patriots 
to-day. Patriotism without religion ends in 
French Revolutions and Napoleonic monarchies. 
Patriotism with religion ends with a free country, 
a broad liberty, an unsullied flag. Liberty, with 
true religious faith as its life, with God as its cen- 
ter, will never perish, but will be as a mighty tree 
whose roots shall ever strike deeper down into 
earth, and whose ever-spreading branches shall be 
for protection and rest. 

Sons and Daughters of the American Revolu- 
tion ! you have taken the initiative, you have set 
the example, you have given the primal impulse. 
We wait your guidance — we are ready to follow 
with you in the footsteps of the heroes of 1776. 
Sons and Daughters of the American Revolution ! 
arise, take up the mantle fallen from your fathers 
in their fiery passage to glory, and, turning about, 
strike the Jordan that separates you from the pro- 
mised land of your sires, entering in claim your 
blood-bought heritage, seize your covenant posses- 
sion and, marching on with the stars of God's 
promise before you, with cohorts of angels about 
you, with the everlasting arms beneath you, fulfill 
in yourselves the hopes of your fathers and make 
the country of Washington the republic of God. 

The congregation, under the direction of the 
organist and choir, most enthusiastically sang the 



227 

patriotic ode entitled "America," after which the 
audience was dismissed by a benediction pronoun- 
ced by the Rev. Isaiah B. Hopwood. 



y\NNUftL ^V\§eTING. 



December 26, 1892. 

The Society convened this day for its annual 
meeting, at 12 o'clock noon, in the Chancery Cham- 
bers in the Prudential building, in the City of 
Newark, the President in the chair. 

After the Society was called to order, the Pres- 
ident presented his annual address, as follows : 

HON. JOHN WHITEHEAD. 

I congratulate you, comrades, Sons of the 
American Eevolution, upon this auspicious day — ■ 
an anniversary which we all delight to celebrate, 
commemorating an event remarkable not only in 
the annals of New Jersey, but of the great Repub- 
lic of which we are all citizens ; an event which set- 
tled forever the destiny of these United S tates of 
America. We have selected this day for our an- 
nual meeting, because it is the anniversary of a 
day on which important events occurred in our 
State, the memory of which we are all glad to re- 
call. 

I solicit your attention, for a few brief mo- 
ments, while I recount to you some events in the 
past year's history of the Society. 

The report of the Treasurer will show that the 



230 



finances are in a healthy condition ; that of the 
Secretary, that the business of the Society has been 
carefully attended to, and that there has been a 
steady, healthful growth in the membership, with 
a corresponding increase of enthusiastic interest. 

During the past year we have lost three promi- 
nent members, whose deaths we all deeply deplore. 
Young Mr. Fairchild met with an untimely death ; 
him we regret, not only on his own account, but 
for his father's sake — one of our most valued and 
honored members. Benjamin Myer, one of the 
three members of the Society, sons of Revolutiona- 
ry sires, died full of honors, after a long life of use- 
fulness, spent in this community. Daniel W. Ba- 
ker, who came to us well recommended by his past 
life and public record, left us almost immediately 
after his election. 

The year book has not been completed. It has 
been decided that this volume shall include not on- 
ly the records of the year just past, but those of 
previous years, and thus present a full history of 
the Society from its beginning up to the present. 
The book is now in the hands of the printer. 

I have the greatest pleasure in presenting this 
flag to the members of the Society, now hanging 
behind the President's chair, and hope you will be 
pleased with it. The Committee who were appoin- 
ted to procure it, have well performed their duty, 
and are certainly entitled to our hearty thanks. It 
will be borne in front of our ranks, as we march to- 
day, to the place where we shall dine. Dr. James 
B. Burnet will have the honor of carrying it. 

There is a matter more important than all these 
subjects to which I now direct your attention, and 
that is the measures which have been taken for the 
purpose of procuring the union of the two Socie- 
ties, that of the Sons of the Revolution with 
the Sons of the American Revolution. At the 



231 

last meeting of the National Society of the S. 
A. E., Mr. Jonathan Trumbull, President of the 
Connecticut Association, offered a resolution on 
behalf of that Society, which provided that a Com- 
mittee should be formed of the Presidents of such 
State Societies where there were two Associations, 
who should take into consideration the subject of 
the proposed union. This Committee was formed 
by the appointment of the Presidents of the Socie- 
ties of Massachusetts, of the District of Columbia 
and of New Jersey. Mr. Trumbull was very ap- 
propriately added to the Committee and subse- 
quently became its chairman. A similar Commit- 
tee was raised from the other Society, and the two 
Committees met in joint meeting in the City of 
New York. Only four members from the S. A. R. 
were present at the first and at all of the meetings. 
Gen. Porter, Mr. Barrett, of Massachusetts ; Mr. 
Trumbull and your own President. From the other 
Society some fifteen or twenty gentlemen pre- 
sented themselves, and were present at all the 
meetings of the Joint Committee. The preliminary 
question was raised at the very initial meeting, as 
to what should be the method of voting, whether 
the fifteen or twenty gentlemen from the S. R. 
should vote per capita or as States. We were as- 
sured that there would be no trouble on that sub- 
ject, that the other Association would take no ad- 
vantage of the preponderance in numbers. We 
were met by the other Committee in the most 
friendly spirit, and we proceeded at once, without 
further question, to the discussion of the subject 
before us, and all questions were met and debated, 
which were presented to us for our deliberation. 
Those questions came about in this order : First, 
the name ; Second, the insignia ; Third, the con- 
stitution ; Fourth, the times of meetings, and 
Fifth, the mode of representation in the National 



232 



Society. Mr. Trumbull at once, and without de- 
bate, surrendered the name, " The Sons of the 
American Revolution" and proposed the adoption 
of that of " The Sons of the Revolution" It seemed 
proper that some compromise should be made, and 
that the offer of compromise should come from the 
more powerful body. Then the question of repre- 
sentation was debated. If the method adopted by 
the S. R. were retained, a small State like Dela- 
ware would be equally represented with one like 
New York or Massachusetts. That was thought 
to be unequal, and the mode adopted by us was 
finally agreed to. The subject of meetings was 
next discussed ; the Constitution of the S. R. pro- 
vides for triennial, ours for annual meetings, the 
S. A. R's plan was adopted. But when the ques- 
tion of the insignia was reached, considerable diffi- 
culty was found. Two of us insisted upon retain- 
ing that adopted by our Society; the "Minute 
Man" we declared we could not surrender ; that 
was too dear to the members from New Jersey and 
Massachusetts. After some considerable warmth 
in the discussion, the " Minute Man" was retained. 
This was really the only serious difficulty which 
seemed to be in the way of union. We then came 
to the Constitution ; this was gone over, article by 
article, so that we will have for presentation to the 
two Societies when they shall come together, a 
well considered organic law for the basis of their 
government. The question then arose as to the 
best method of bringing the two Societies together. 
That was referred to a Special Committee, of which 
Gen. Porter was chairman. We had a joint meet- 
ing of the Committees last Thursday, December 
22nd instant, when this sub- committee made its 
report. We had had, prior to that, another meet- 
ing of the Joint Committee, when the question of 
the name again came up and was very seriously 



233 



discussed and with considerable warmth. I had 
learned that the name, ''Sons of the Revolution," 
would not be agreeable to many of the members 
from this State and from Massachusetts, and I 
made as strong an effort as possible to retain that 
of the Sons of the American Revolution, but was 
forced to yield the point. I did so, with very great 
reluctance. At this meeting every point was again 
discussed, there was no hitch in the arrangements, 
and on the sixteenth of February next, there will 
be a meeting of the National Associations of the 
two Societies ; separate and independent meetings 
will be held in the morning and a joint meeting of 
the two in the afternoon, for the purpose of fully 
carrying out and establishing the union. 

As to the name, Comrades, we must remember 
that there must be some compromise ; that when 
our Society was first formed it bore a name, " Sons 
of the Revolution." It was changed to the one we 
now bear to appease the N. Y. Society of the S. R. 
who charged us with adopting their name. 

I congratulate you. Comrades, upon the ami- 
cable manner in which the proceedings looking to- 
wards union thus far have been conducted. I hope 
there will be no objection made by any one in this 
Society to the making of the slight compromises 
proposed, and that hereafter the two Societies will 
move together as one strong body intent upon the 
building up of a grand and noble fraternity that 
will accomplish great things along the lines of 
honor, liberty and patriotism. 

It has been suggested that the Society should 
have a permanent place, a permanent office, where 
members from different parts of the State could 
meet for friendly converse, for investigation of the 
records of other States, and of our own as to the 
events and history of the Revolutionary War, and 
for obtaining information of their own genealogies 



234 



and those of their friends and others who might 
become members of the Society. Some attention 
has been given to this subject. The Secretary and 
myself have taken some pains to ascertain whether 
the suggested plan is feasible. I desire to bring 
the subject to your attention. It seems to me that 
if some such plan could be adopted, including the 
formation of a library, composed of the records of 
our own and of other States and of Congressional 
publications on the subject of the Eevolutionary 
War it would be a very great addition to the useful- 
ness of the Society. We have a most complete 
record of the officers and men of New Jersey in the 
Eevolutionary War compiled by one of our own 
members, Gen. W. S. Stryker, whom we all love and 
whom we delight to honor. This book is now out 
of print, at least practically so, and will soon 
be very scarce and difficult to obtain. It is the 
best and fullest compilation of the kind I know, 
and ought to be placed where it can be readily seen 
and examined by the members. Congress is also 
contemplating publishing very full records of the 
same character. It seems to me that a most inter- 
esting and valuable collection of books could be 
gathered and placed where they would be exceed- 
ingly useful. 

The action of the President relative to the pro- 
jected union of the two Societies, was unanimously 
approved by resolution. 

The subject of a permanent office for the Soci- 
ety was referred to the Board of Managers. 

The Society then proceeded to the election of 
officers for the ensuing year, and the following gen- 
tlemen were unanimously elected : 

President — John Whitehead, of Morristown. 

Vice-President — Theodore W. Morris, of Free- 
hold. 

Secretary— Henry E. Hatfield, of Newark. 



235 



Treasurer — Paul Revere, of Morristown. 

Registrar — John J. Hubbell, of Newark. 

Historian — Andrew D. Mellick, Jr., of Free- 
hold. 

Board of Managers — Franklin Murphy, New- 
ark ; Walter S. Nichols, Newark ; Ernest E. Coe, 
Newark ; James B. Burnet, M. D., Newark; Gen. 
William S. Stryker, Trenton ; James F. Rusling, 
Trenton ; George B. Jaques, Manasquan ; Peter B. 
Fairchild, Orange ; Moses M. Crane, Elizabeth ; 
Henry L. Janewa}', New Brunswick. 

The Secretary said : I would like to state here 
that I have received a letter from our Historian, 
Mr. Mellick. He is an invalid, confined, at present, 
to his bed, and cannot be with us. He sends us a 
kind Christmas greeting. 

Gen. J. F. Rusling offered the following reso- 
lution : 

Resolved, That the Society has heard, with 
deep regret, of the illness of our Historian, and 
that we send him our heartiest sympathy, and the 
greetings of the season. 

The President said : — 

There is no man of whom I know, who more 
delights in serving the Society than Mr. Mellick, 
and I have great pleasure in asking you to take a 
rising vote on the motion of Gen. Rusling. 

The request of the President was complied with 
and the resolution unanimously passed. 

Gen. James F. Rusling was elected a delegate- 
at-large, and William H. Murphy and Hon. George 
A. Halsey, representative delegates to the National 
Congress of the S. A. R. 

Mr. E. B. Sterling, of Trenton, said :— 

At this annual meeting of our Society, I desire 
to present to it these two pictures of 



236 



Washington at Trenton. 
I hope they will be accepted with my compliments. 

On motion of J. Lawrence Boggs, Jr., it was 
resolved that the Society accept the beautiful gift 
made by Mr. Sterling, with thanks to the donor. 

On motion of Mr. Wood, it was ordered that 
the pictures be framed, under the direction of the 
President and Secretary, and hung in the Presi- 
dent's room until such time as the Society have an 
office of its own. 

An original poem, written by Miss Sarah M. 
Davy, was presented and dedicated to the Society, 
and it was unanimously 

Resolved, That the thanks of the Society be 
presented to Miss Davy for her poem. 

The author of this beautiful and appropriate 
production, is a lineal descendant of Ann Halsted, 
a heroine of the Revolution. She also is entitled 
to recognition as a Daughter of the Revolution by 
direct descent from the Camp and Lindsley fami- 
lies, who each furnished Revolutionary patriots. 
Her poem will appear in the after proceedings of 
the day. 

The Society was honored by the presence of 
Gen. Bradley T. Johnson, President of the Maryland 
Society of the S. A. R., who was escorted to the 
meeting by Messrs. Walter S. Nichols, Ernest E. 
Coe, and John N. Lindsley, a Committee appointed 
for the purpose by the President. 

The Society then adjourned,, and the members 
proceeded, in a body, preceded by Dr. J. B. 
Burnet, carrying the flag, to the parlors of the 
Messrs. Davis for dinner. 

The President presided at the banquet, at the 
close of which he announced the toasts, which had 
been prepared by the Committee of Arrangements. 
The first of these — 

" New Jersey 1176. New Jersey 1892 "— 



237 



The Hon. Franklin Murphy responded, as fol- 
lows : 

HON. FRANKLIN MURPHY. 
Mr. President, and Comrades : — Some two or 
three weeks ago, our President sent me a note, 
asking me to respond to this toast. I do not like 
to accept such invitations, because there are some 
things which I can do fairly well, but there are 
many others which are not exactly in my line, and 
making speeches is one of the latter. But I like to 
do my friends a favor, and my reluctance to being 
thought disobliging occasionally overcomes my re- 
luctance to making speeches. I imagined, too, that 
between the time I received the invitation and the 
dinner, I should have time to prepare my speech, 
and I hoped to have been able to come here with 
such a recital of the virtues and patriotism of our 
forefathers, that you would all be so stirred up that 
you would determine to imitate their virtuous and 
patriotic examples ; but, alas ! I am here with the 
best of intentions, but that speech has failed me. 

In these days we are very busy ; whether we 
are ministers or doctors, or whatever our calling, 
we must not be idle if we would succeed. For I 
take it, whether we are interested in the law or 
the gospel, in leather or varnish, we are driven by 
the environments which surround us to do what 
we are obliged to do in the very best possible way, 
to do the very best we can. The competition every- 
where around us is so tremendous ; there are so 
many that are longing and striving to do just what 
they see others doing, that if we succeed at all we 
must of necessity surrender our whole being to our 
business ; we must live in it, breathe in it and 
think in it ; suffer our whole being to be absorbed 
by it. We can hardly stop to think that there is 
something higher and holier than personal success ; 



238 



something nobler and sweeter than what we can 
find in our material interests. Surely few things 
are more precious than a warm love of country 
which such occasions as these inspire. 

But I am to say something about the difference 
between New Jersey of 1776 and New Jersey of 
1892. It is difficult properly to present the con- 
trast. We cannot well appreciate what New Jer- 
sey was a hundred and more years ago. The popu- 
lation of the State was then found in the rural 
districts, given up almost entirely to agriculture. 
The principal industries were farming and fishing ; 
there were no manufactures, worth mentioning, 
hardly enough to meet the simple wants of the peo- 
ple. Among its citizens the struggle was to maintain 
existence ; very largely if not mainly so. But the 
life of the good people of New Jersey in 1776, was 
very little removed in tastes, in ambitions, in 
habits and modes of thought from that which now 
exists among our farmers. The contrast between 
rural life and city life now found did not then ob- 
tain and we can by no means discover that any 
such contrast did then exist. The excitement and 
strain of society in our large cities in these closing- 
years of the nineteenth century could nowhere 
then be found. The farmer of to-day differs but 
little from his ancestor of the times of the Kevolu- 
tion. He is the same sturdy, self-contained, inde- 
pendent, thoughtful man. His occupation gives 
him time for thought, for reasoning out the propo- 
sitions presented to his mind ; it develops now 
and did then the hardy virtue of self-reliance. The 
farmer of that day like the farmer of this, was 
more patriotic than the average citizen who is im- 
mersed in trade and who spends his days in the 
crowded city. It is natural that it should be so. 
The farmers are more heterogenous than the com- 
munity found in a city; their modes of thought, of 



239 

action, their tastes, their hopes and aspirations are 
more alike. We have in the city the land owner 
and tax payer as in the rural districts, but there 
are also those whom the large factories and stores 
attract, and we have the influx of men from 
foreign lands ; so from very natural causes the 
patriotic impulse in its strength and purity is found 
in the country where man keeps in closer touch 
with nature. 

If this be so at present, how much more so was 
it in the days of 1776 when the State had no cities, 
when its population was altogether rural, and when 
the struggle was for personal and political freedom 
and not for the selfish ends which so engross the 
thought and fill the minds of the inhabitants of 
the cities now so plentiful throughout the State. 

And so it came to pass with the people of New 
Jersey, that throughout the entire time of the Rev- 
olution, there was no Colony whose communities 
were more true to the spirit of the Revolution than 
Jerseymen. New Jersey was a feeble State, sparse 
in population, meagre in its resources ; and the 
battles fought on her soil were hardly more than 
respectable skirmishes when compared with those 
of the late Civil War. But Trenton, Princeton and 
Monmouth were as essential to the cause of free- 
dom, and as necessary for the establishment of the 
Republic, as were Gettysburg and the Wilderness 
for the preservation of the Union. I repeat with 
emphasis that, in the battles fought upon her soil, 
in the toils and sacrifices of her people, and in her 
ardent, undying faith in the success of the struggle 
for freedom, New Jersey was unsurpassed by any 
of her sister Colonies. In this atmosphere I feel 
that I would like to dwell on that time and spirit, 
but I must not trench on the field of those who are 
to follow me. 

The New Jersey of to-day, as measured by the 



240 



New Jersey of a hundred years and more ago, is 
certainly a very different State. We have increas- 
ed in numbers so that one-half of the population of 
our principal City is equal to the entire population 
of the Colony at that time. When we remember 
how poor and feeble its industries were then, it is 
difficult to believe that its wealth has now reached 
so many millions ; and if we measure the progress 
of the State by its material resources, I undertake 
to say that no other State can show a more sub- 
stantial growth. 

If we refer to her record in the service of the 
nation we find that she is not only not lacking, but 
that she always stands in the front. I have already 
referred you to her part in the Revolution. In the 
war of 1812 she bore her full share of the expense 
and her volunteers never fell short of the quota re- 
quired from her. In the late Civil War New Jersey 
bore more than her full share, both as to expenses, 
and as to men. Her sons went from every hillside 
and valley ; they crowded the ranks of the Union 
Army, and periled their lives in every important bat- 
tle to save for themselves and their children that 
which their forefathers had won. The spirit of 
1776 was kindled anew in 1862 and throughout the 
long struggle for the preservation of the life of the 
nation, New Jersey never once faltered in her hope 
for final victory and in her confidence in the Union. 
Take whatever standard you will, none excelled the 
skill of those of her sons in high command. No 
braver troops than those she sent to the front were 
found in the rank and file of any other state ; and 
none were more prompt in furnishing volunteers 
or in filling quotas. Her citizens can well point to 
her record with pride. 

If we regard New Jersey in any aspect where 
improvement is to be found ; in development, in 



241 



material resources, growth in population, increase 
in wealth, diversified character of its industries, or 
general intelligence of its people, we Jerseymen 
may well say : Behold ! How great a State ! ! 

But I ask you as Jerseymen, this afternoon, to 
consider whether there is not that which is more 
worthy our consideration than development of ma- 
terial resources, growth of population, increase in 
wealth, or even intelligence ? Let me ask you 
this : Is public virtue as pure now as it was in the 
days of our revolutionary ancestors % 

We live in a day when millionaires abound. A 
short time before the last war there were not more 
than three men whose wealth could be counted by 
the millions. Now they number hundreds, and 
we have men worth five, ten, twenty, fifty millions 
of dollars made in a single life. The glamour of 
this inordinate wealth blinds us to the manner in 
which it may have been obtained. The passion to 
be rich makes it unimportant by what method the 
coveted riches may be gained. This greed does not 
stop with private life or with the ordinary circles 
of business, it passes beyond and invades public life, 
and becomes a source of political corruption. Poli- 
ticians, great men in both political parties soil their 
hands, tarnish their character and deaden their 
hearts with ill-gotten gains. What are we to do 
about it ? We cannot, we would not if we could, 
stop the accumulation of money in individual 
hands. We cannot put a curb on the energy and 
ambition of an active, capable man ; we cannot 
direct such a man as to what he shall or what he 
shall not do. We cannot say to a manufacturer — 
you shall manufacture only so much ; to a mer- 
chant you shall only sell so much, or to a banker, 
you shall only make one million of dollars, and not 
two or three and not five. We cannot limit any 
man's usefulness. On the contrary, along certain 



242 



proper lines, every incentive should be given to 
stimulate, and not curb ambition, so that the 
world's great work may be done. 

We, the Sons of the American Revolution, per- 
haps, have very little to do with this view of the 
question. But there is a phase of it which this So- 
ciety may appropriate, and where it may make it- 
self felt. It is their province, their privilege, and 
their duty, too, not only to keep alive the true 
spirit of patriotism, but to make that spirit so true 
and so pure that the standard of public morals shall 
be as high as that by which we measure private 
morals. We live in an age when politics are used as 
an end for political aggrandizement ; where public 
trust is generally regarded as a means for private 
advancement ; and when the atmosphere of politi- 
cal life is such that the self-respecting man will 
rarely consent to have anything to do with that 
which it is his highest duty, and should be his 
greatest pleasure, to serve to the utmost of his abil- 
ity. Is it not so ? And is it not a national shame 
that it is so % Can this evil be corrected ? I believe 
it can. I believe if you divorce local politics from 
party politics, the evil will be cured. 

Take the municipal government of Newark, or 
of any great city, as an example. What do the 
good citizens, Republicans or Democrats, wish in 
the rule of such a city ? They demand for rulers, 
capable men, honest men, patriotic men. They 
wish an economical administration of public affairs 
a wise, prudent, and above all, an honest conduct 
on the part of those in authority. What difference 
does it make to the citizens of this goodly city of 
Newark, whether Democrats or Republicans are 
mayors, aldermen, or other public officers, if only 
the good of the city and of its citizens is consulted, 
and not the advantage of a political party ? The 
government of a municipality involves local ques- 



243 



tions only, and has not the remotest connection 
with party politics. By no possibility can national 
questions of statesmanship become involved in the 
affairs of a city. National questions are nothing 
and there should be no local politics iu local affairs. 
I believe the way to purer politics is through this 
door. This society can materially aid in withdraw- 
ing the questions which must necessarily arise in 
city affairs from the domain of national politics. 
Let the city take care of itself, and the nation do 
the like. When the nation requires action from 
us, then as patriots may we range ourselves under 
the banners of our respective parties. 

We love our State, full as her history is of 
precious memories and of a glorious past. Let us 
then do here, everywhere, now and at all times 
what we can to make the present and the future 
worthy of that past. 

Josiah Collins Pumpelly responded to the 
second toast — 

"The New Jersey Huguenot in the Kevolu- 
tion." 

ME. JOSIAH COLLINS PUMPELLY. 

Comrades and Ladies : — It seems to me a 
grand occasion that we can come together here to- 
day, and gather this assembly around us. I can- 
not help comparing it with the one I remember in 
1889, when three of us gathered together in the old 
trade room, one for audience, one for Chairman, 
and one for Secretary. 

The process of evolution seems to have gone on 
in a wonderful way. I am glad to be here, and I 
also feel very proud and hope that I may be able to 
say something of the Huguenots in the ten minutes 
allowed me. 

The good Book says : "Where there is no vi- 
sion, the people die." I think we might say: 



244 



where there is no reverence for the past, there can 
be no ideals for the future. We, ourselves, are a 
part of the past ; we, ourselves, are made by the 
past ; the persistency of type runs through all the 
generations. A noted author says that God win- 
nowed three kingdoms to get the seed for this no- 
ble nation of ours, and, I say to myself, that of all 
that seed none was more precious than the Hugue- 
nots. I believe the Huguenots were surpassed by 
none in the high moral influence they exerted, and 
the overmastering principles they maintained. 

Many years before Luther, there was a tocsin 
sounded— a reveille, you may say — of freedom, 
civil as well as religious, that came forth from the 
hills of France ; La Favre, the Frenchman, was the 
one who sounded that tocsin. 

From that date, coming on down through the 
Waldenses, the Albigenses, and the Huguenots, we 
come down to that Edict of Nantes, and leave Me- 
diaeval Europe to deeds of murder, rapine and per- 
secution. The Edict of Nantes was one of the great 
events in the civilization of the world ; I believe 
that Trenton has its relationship to the Edict of 
Nantes. When we look at the great moral wrong 
— when we come to see the great mistake that was 
then made — then, we come to see how the whole 
world was benefitted by the making of that great 
mistake. We find, then, coming to our shores 
some of those heroic souls who helped to form the 
influences that were felt in our Continental Con- 
gress. There was a Jay ; there was a Laurens ; 
there were many tried souls of men who believed 
in everything which was noblest, in everything 
that was grand, everything that belonged to the 
noblest and the greatest in character ; and we have 
to remember that there was in them, more than in 
any other, a love of liberty, and the combination 



245 



of law with liberty, which we find not in many 
other nations. 

We come now to speak of some of these heroic 
men who served their time and generation in New- 
Jersey ; and we have first to speak of that noble 
soldier and statesman, Elias Boudinot ; of his ser- 
vices as the tenth President of the Continental 
Congress, who, on the breaking out of the War be- 
came an Aid on Washington's Staff and a Conti- 
nental General who served him with tried integrity. 

We also remember with admiration his younger 
brother, Elisha Boudinot ; we remember his history 
and recall the time when, a member of the Com- 
mittee of Safety, a price was placed upon his head, 
and we know what his life was. 

Another illustrious character in this State was 
that noble Gano who was brought up a minister 
and became a surgeon in the army, who was found 
in the front of the battle and came out with flying 
colors and was really the hero of the day. It was 
after that that he went down the Susquehanna 
with Sullivan, an expedition of which he has left a 
very graphic account ; having been born on that 
river myself, I never read it without great interest. 
When he returned to his flock, he found his people 
scattered, but he gathered them together and again 
became their pastor. 

A different kind of services, yet not at all to be 
forgotten, but to be remembered with honor, were 
those that rendered illustrious the name of Ryer- 
son ; the original name was, I believe, Ryerse. 
There were four of this family who did good service 
to their country ; two passed into the ranks of the 
other army, and we do not mention them with 
honor, but only recall to your minds those who 
fought nobly in the great cause of liberty and in- 
dependence. 

I would speak of the patriot, Philip Freneau, a 



246 



noble soul who sang the songs of freedom here in 
America as Mrs. Browning sang the songs of free- 
dom in England. He was a man of courage under 
suffering ; he speaks of the terrible suffering of 
those on the prison ship, and of the fifteen thous- 
and that were buried on Long Island. While on 
the prison ship, he writes : — 

"By feeble hands the shallow graves were made, 
No stone memorials o'er the corpses laid ; 
In barren sands and far from home they lie ; 
No friend to shed a tear when passing by. 
O'er the mean tombs insulting Briton's tread, 
Spurn at the sand and curse the rebel dead." 

He then appeals to Americans to — 

"Kouse from your sleep and crush the thievish 

band ; 
Defeat, destroy and sweep them from the land." 

There was an eloquence and a power in Philip 
Freneau that we find in few poets of the past gen- 
eration ; he was a prophet too, and writes many 
other songs — much more than I have time to speak 
of now. 

And so we come finally to say one word of the 
founder of this Society — Sheppard Kollock. He 
stood by Washington when he needed a tried 
soldier ; he was one of the bravest officers at the 
battle of Trenton, and one of the men who helped 
to lay that chain across the Hudson. He was 
always in the thickest of the fight and many a 
time turned the tide of the battle. 

But I must bring these remarks to a close ; 
there is so much that can be said about the noble 
Huguenots ! Let us emulate the example of these 
men and feel that they themselves are with us, and 



247 



that they by their spirit and example will lead us 
on to great achievements. 

Gen. James F. Kusling responded, as follows, 
to the third toast — 

" The Second Battle of Trenton " : 

GEN. JAMES F. EUSLING. 

Ladies and Gentlemen : I rejoice to be with 
you on this festive occasion. I rejoice because I 
see here assembled a goodly company, that would 
be an honor and a credit to any city anywhere. I 
see here honest farmers, successful merchants and 
manufacturers, learned lawyers, sage physicians, 
grave divines, gallant soldiers and descendants of 
other gallaut soldiers, and last but not least these 
"fair women" worthy of such "brave men." I 
rejoice to welcome our distinguished President, 
Hon. John Whitehead, here once again. I am 
glad he still continues with us, and though time 
with his scalping knife is taking his raven locks 
one by one, yet I know you will all unite with me 
in congratulating and felicitating him on this day's 
business, and distant be the day that witnesses his 
departure ! And when in God's own time that day 
shall come, as come it must to all of human kind, 
we will say of him in the touching lines of dear 
Tom Moore (no sweeter in all English literature :) 

•" Long, long be our hearts with his memory filled, 

Like the vase in which roses have once been dis- 
tilled ; 

You may break, you may shatter the vase if you 
will, 

But the perfume of the roses will hang round it 
still !" 

I further rejoice to be here this afternoon, be- 
cause of the words of wisdom and eloquence I have 



248 



listened to from the lips of my friend, Mr. Franklin 
Murphy. He has given us some good sound advice 
and much to think of on several lines. But when 
he says Jay Gould did wrong in " making or steal- 
ing sixty millions," I beg to differ with him if he 
merely made the millions and did not steal them. 
Why shouldn't he make "sixty millions," if he 
could — fairly and honestly ? I would like to make 
a few millions myself, and believe I could make 
good use of them, if I had them ! I can point to 
gentlemen here in Newark — our friend Mr. Mur- 
phy himself, Mr. George A. Halsey who sits by my 
side, long and favorably known by everybody, dis- 
tinguished in every good word and work here, and 
others — who have made their millions, uprightly 
and honestly, and who now use them for the bene- 
fit and welfare of their fellow men, and I don't 
know why others of us should not become million- 
aires too, if we only can ! 

So, I cannot agree with him, that our age is 
becoming effeminate, and that we are less pure and 
patriotic than our ancestors. I don't wonder he 
thinks so, because he bears the name of Benjamin 
Franklin ! If I bore the name of George Washing- 
ton or Thomas Jefferson, I might be something of 
an antique philosopher too ! But when he said 
that, surely he didn't mean you to believe it. For 
don't we know that here we are to-day in the home 
of Philip Kearney, and that in the late great strug- 
gle for the Union, when our continent shook be- 
neath the tread of armed hosts, New Jersey alone 
sent forth over a hundred thousand of her sons to 
do battle for the Union — noue braver, none more 
gallant and chivalrous, than Franklin Murphy him- 
self ? 

So, too, let us remember, that in our boasted 
past — in the great days of 1776, and later — Boston 
even, the Athens of America, refused to admit 




WASHINGTON AT THK, SECOND BATTLE OF TRENTON. 



249 



girls to her public schools. Her plea then was, 
that girls were not capable of receiving an educa- 
tion, and that they could never master the three 
fundamental " R's" of Reading, 'Riting, and 'Rith- 
metic. That was the voice of Massachusetts a cen- 
tury ago. But to-day, our girls have literally cap- 
tured our public schools ; they crowd our colleges 
and universities, taking first honors ; and for me, 
I say, all honor to the Nineteenth Century for its 
emancipation and freedom of woman. And may 
it ever be our proud boast, that here, here in Amer- 
ica, at least, 

" Here manhood struggles for the sake 
Of mother, sister, daughter, wife — 

The graces and the loves that make 
The music of the march of life." 

I am glad to be here this evening, Mr. Presi- 
dent, because it is the " Merry Christmas " time. I 
like Christmas. I believe in Santa Claus. I have 
figured in that role myself, sometimes ! I believe, 
with Alfred Tennyson, that as the world rolls on it 
becomes sweeter, and wiser, and better ; and let us 
help to make it so. With our fathers, let us help 
to " ring out the old, and ring in the new" — that 
is ourselves ; 

' ' Ring out the false, ring in the true, 
Ring in the valiant man and free, 
The larger heart, the kindlier hand " — 

that is George Washington and the Continental 
Congress ; 

'* Ring out the darkness of the land " — 



250 

that is George III and his British Parliament ; 

" Ring in the Christ that is to be " 

that is the Declaration of Independence, and the 
momentous consequences, that have followed from 
it. Who shall estimate them ? 

A century ago, we were only three millions of 
scattered Colonists, and hardly knew our souls 
were our own. But to-day we number nearly sev- 
enty million of free and independent American cit- 
izens, with forty-four States and five great Terri- 
tories, soon also to be sovereign States, belting the 
continent, and, if true to ourselves, what shall we 
not be and become in the not distant future ? O 
let us this day resolve to rally around the common 
flag of our common country ! Let us revive the 
old memories of Trenton and Princeton, of Mon- 
mouth and Yorktown ! And let us begin the New 
Year with the glorious sentiment : 

"0 our union of lakes, our union of lands, 
Our union of States let none sever ; 

Here's to the union of hearts, the union of hands, 
And the Flag of the Union forever. " 

and ever, and a thousand years longer ! 

I believe, however, Mr. Chairman, I was to 
say something about " The Second Battle of Tren- 
ton." The distinguished gentleman who introduced 
me, said he never heard there was any, and that 
the first battle was fought December 26, 1775, and 
the second January 2, 1776, if any. Well he has 
made a mistake of just twelve months in his dates, 
and now let us see about his other facts. 

The Declaration of Independence was made, 
you know, July 4th, 1776, down yonder in Phila- 
delphia, and it was received everywhere with the 



251 



ringing of bells and the booming of cannon. En- 
listments rapidly increased, and soon Washington 
had an army of 18,000 men — the largest body he 
ever commanded. But he was beaten on Long 
Island in August ; beaten at White Plains in Octo- 
ber ; beaten at Fort Washington in November ; and 
though he had 18,000 men in August, by the first 
of December his army had dwindled to only about 
3,000, and he was in full retreat through the Jer- 
seys. 

Mark those figures— 18,000 and 3,000. And of 
those 3,000, 1,500 abandoned their colors and left 
for home when he reached Princeton, about Dec. 
5th, because of the expiration of their terms of en- 
listment. It was the darkest hour in American 
history. There seemed no ray of hope anywhere. 
Our currency had become so depreciated, it took a 
month's pay of a private soldier to buy a bushel of 
wheat for his family, and the full pay of a Colonel 
to buy forage for his horse. On Dec. Tth and 8th, 
he crossed the Delaware at Trenton, taking all the 
boats with him for many miles, and a few hours 
afterwards, a brigade of British and Hessians en- 
tered the town. 

" How much farther are we going to retreat ?" 
asked one of his officers. "Retreat," he replied ; 
"Why we will retreat beyond the Alleghenies (and 
the Alleghenies were much farther off in those 
days than now), and on and on, and never cease to 
fight, until victory at last shall perch upon our 
banners !" 

As the British had no boats and could not 
cross the river without them, and had driven 
Washington out of New Jersey, they decided to 
go into winter quarters on the line of the Delaware. 
So they posted their troops at Trenton, Borden- 
town, Burlington and Mt. Holly, and Cornwallis 
mounted his horse and returned to New York. 



252 



This division of their forces was a capital military 
error, and Washington was too good a soldier not 
to see it. Quickly gathering up all the Continen- 
tals and Militia he could assemble, about 2,500 
men, he recrossed the Delaware on Christmas 
night, and 116 years ago this morning — in the 
early gray of the morning — he struck the Hessians 
at Trenton, and after a brief engagement (half an 
hour or so only) compelled their surrender . Two 
hundred escaped on horseback, two hundred on 
foot, and about nine hundred threw down their 
arms — it must have been in a sort of panic. For 
Washington says in his official report, that we lost 
not a single man killed, and only four wounded, 
while the enemy lost only twenty or thirty killed 
and wounded. It was not much of a battle, as 
battles go nowadays. It was not much more than 
a morning skirmish in the Army of the Potomac, 
or a picket fight to those who went "Marching 
through Georgia" with Sherman. But it saved the 
American cause, and made the name of Washing- 
ton imperishable as the stars. He knew Cornwallis 
would soon be after him again, and so gathering up 
his prisoners he retreated across the Delaware 
again the same day. But Sullivan having joined 
him, and having got together about 5,000 men on 
Dec. 30th, he recrossed the Delaware on the ice, in 
order to revive the Jerseys and put new life and 
back-bone into the Continental Congress. 

Meanwhile, what was Cornwallis doing \ We 
Americans are apt to think he was not much of an 
officer, because he afterwards surrendered at York- 
town. But he is the same Cornwallis, who after- 
wards distinguished himself in India and Spain, 
and Wellington held him to be every inch a soldier. 
There he was in New York, with his trunk packed 
and aboard his majesty's ship, all ready to sail for 
England, where he expected to spend the winter in 



9^3 
£00 



being dined and wined. But with the bad news 
from Trenton, he ordered his trunk ashore, mount- 
ed his horse, and (prompt soldier that he was) rode 
post haste to Newark and Elizabeth, gathering up 
troops as he went, and only a few days afterwards 
(Jan. 1st) reached Princeton with ten thousand 
British soldiers — as brave and gallant men as ever 
marched or fought. All honor to them, if they 
were our enemies ! Next morning, Jan 2, 1777, he 
left 1,500 men at Princeton, and moved on to 
Maiden Head or Lawrenceville as we now call it, 
and left 1,500 more there — didn't think he needed 
them — and then with 7,000 British regulars march- 
ed on to Trenton to meet Washington and his 
ragged Continentals. 

What did Washington do ? What could he do ? 
Why didn't he recross the Delaware ? Because a 
thaw had set in, and the ice had broken up, and 
his boats were on the other side, and besides I 
reckon Cornwallis by his celerity had somewhat 
surprised him. Now what was George to do % The 
morning before the first battle of Trenton was 
dark, but it seems to me it was not half so dark as 
the morning of the second battle. Washington 
had just called on Congress for $50,000 to pay off 
his ragged troops, in order that they might provide 
bread for their families, and all that could be sent 
him was $500. Now what was to be done ? He 
could not get back across the Delaware. He could 
not retreat north or east, for the British were there. 
So, as the only thing he could do, he decided to fall 
back south across the Assanpink and take the 
chances. He sent a part of his force to throw up 
hasty entrenchments there, and with the rest 
marched out the Princeton Pike and posted his 
men on the line of the Shabbaconk. Cornwallis 
came boldly on — the sky above him blue as sap- 



254 



phire. When he found Washington across his 
path, he halted and reconnoitered. With his su- 
perior forces, he soon began to flank us, and Wash- 
ington finding our position untenable ordered 
Greene to take command and fall back without 
serious fighting to the line of the Assanpink, 
whither he went himself to post the troops as they 
arrived. All hail to General Greene ! A Rhode 
Island blacksmith, there was no better general in 
the Revolution, except Washington. In these 
times, he would have been a Presbyterian clergy- 
man or a Methodist minister ! As the British ford- 
ed the Shabbaconk, Greene fell back steadily until 
he formed a junction with Washington behind the 
Assanpink, and by 4 o'clock in the afternoon the 
British column headed by Cornwallis advanced 
down Queen street (now Greene or N. Broad), and 
debouched by the City Hall. They now caught 
sight of the Assanpink and beyond it the Ameri- 
can line of battle, and of course halted and recon- 
noitered. But presently Cornwallis formed a 
column of attack and ordered a charge, and then 
with drums beating, fifes playing, colors streaming, 
those gallant British soldiers charged down upon 
the American line. Washington's cannon now 
opened upon them, and tore great gaps in their 
ranks, but still on they went until they struck the 
bridge-head — a little narrow country bridge across 
the Assanpink, the only one there — when suddenly 
5,000 American marksmen rose up from behind 
their breastworks, and blazed away, and their 
column of attack literally melted away. And then 
all up and down the American line there rang out 
one loud hurrah — the sure instinct of coming vic- 
tory. But the British did not give it up so. With 
true bull- dog courage, they charged again, but 
again that murderous infantry fire drove them 
back when they reached the bridge. Why it was 



255 



the battle of Fredericksburg over again on a lesser 
scale. They charged the third time — those gallant 
British regulars — and the third time they were 
bloodily repulsed. And now do you say there was 
n o second battle of Trenton, and if there was it did 
not amount to much ? Why the streets of Trenton 
were filled with their wounded, and the Assanpink 
was literally choked with their dead. ' 'Over 150 Brit- 
ish being then and there killed and wounded," ac- 
cording to an officer of the Connecticut line and 
an eye-witness, who so wrote to the Connecticut 
Journal, Jan. 22, 1777, only a few days afterwards. 

Cornwallis was urged to attack again. 

" No," he answered. " We have done enough 
for one day. We have had a long march and an ug- 
ly fight. And now we have got the Old Fox in a 
trap, and to-morrow morning we will bag him and 
his ragamuffins." 

Sir William Erskine, of his staff, suggested 
Washington might not be there next morning. 

" yes," he said ; "he can't escape. Where is 
he to go ? " 

Id truth, what was to be done now ? Where, 
indeed, was Washington to go ? The battle of the 
Assanpink, or the Second Battle of Trenton, had 
been won. But they were sure to be out-fought or 
out-flanked next day, with 7,000 trained veterans 
in hand, and 3,000 more in easy supporting dis- 
tance at Lawrenceville and Princeton, and already 
ordered up. They could not re-cross the Delaware ; 
they could not escape north or east ; to retreat 
south was to go into a cid de sac, which clearly 
meant ultimate extinction or surrender. I tell you 
George was in a mighty tight fix, and no wonder 
Cornwallis thought he was now going to "bag" 
him and his army for sure ! 

Washington called a Council of War at dark, 
and proposed they should send off their baggage 



256 



and supply trains to Burlington and there ferry 
them over the Delaware into Pennsylvania, while 
the infantry and artillery should quietly move 
around Cornwallis' left and gain his rear, and then 
make a forced march on New Brunswick. But 
Knox, his chief of artillery and a good one, pro- 
tested this was impossible — that the Jersey roads 
were so soft and muddy, the wagons and artillery 
would sink to China, if they attempted to march 
over them. So the Council of War at 9 o'clock, 
broke up in despair. 

Now what was to be done ? George did not 
know. It was the darkest hour he had ever yet 
experienced. God only knew. Now what was to 
happen ? I ask you clergymen, when all human 
wisdom and all human resources fail, what then 
always happens to a good man or a good cause ? 
Why that sure Providence, that has always stood 
the American people in good stead in times of 
need, as at Lexington and Gettysburg, came duly 
to his relief. Suddenly out of the northwest 
came Old Boreas with freezing blasts — c ' a Janu- 
ary freeze" — that soon turned our muddy roads 
into asphalt turnpikes, and at midnight Wash- 
ington ordered his trains to Burlington, and leav- 
ing his camp fires burning marched first, east 
to Sand town and then north towards Princeton, 
and next morning as the sun rose over old Nassau 
Hall he struck the British there and gobbled up all 
who did not run away — about 500 more in killed, 
wounded and prisoners. 

Meanwhile, where was Cornwallis ? Back in 
the streets of Trenton, rubbing his eyes, and won- 
dering what that rumbling in the east was. "Isn't 
that thunder ?" ' r no," said Sir William Erskine, 
" no thunder here at this time of the year ! That's 
Washington at Princeton, and we have been out- 



257 



generated again !" Cornwallis now beat to arms, 
and about faced, and double-quicked to Princeton 
and New Brunswick, marching all night. But 
Washington, too shrewd to attack New Brunswick, 
which he knew he could not hold — not inflated by 
his victories, but level-headed and self-poised like 
the great man he was — sheered off to the heights 
of Morristown, and from there held the British in 
check and protected New Jersey the remainder of 
the winter. 

A great man was George Washington ; a great 
man, and a rich one — the richest man in America 
in his time. Had he lived in our time, I doubt not 
he would have made his "sixty millions " or more ; 
not made or stolen them, like some others, according 
to Mr. Murphy, but honestly and uprightly. He 
was, by all odds, the greatest man of his age and 
time. The more I read of the Revolution, the more 
I am compelled to believe he was the very life and 
soul of it, and without his grip and grit — his clear 
head and steadfast soul — I cannot see how we ever 
could have succeeded. There wasn't a single one 
of his generals that ever rose above mediocrity, ex- 
cept, perhaps, the Quaker General, Greene. Lee 
was a traitor ; Gates a featherhead ; Arnold an ad- 
venturer ; Putnam in his dotage ; Sullivan a plod- 
der ; Knox good for small things ; Lafayette a 
school-boy ; Wayne a mad-cap. But Washington 
carried both the Army and Congress upon his 
Titanic shoulders, and alone made American free- 
dom and American independence possible upon this 
continent. In the words of Alfred Tennyson, in 
his Ode on the Duke of Wellington, but in a larger 
and nobler sense, let me say in conclusion : 

" While the races of mankind endure, 
Let his great example stand — 
Colossal, seen of every land — 



25$ 



And make the soldier firm, the statesman pure, 
Till in all lands, and through all human story r 
The path of duty be the way to glory. 
And let the land, whose hearths he saved from' 

shame, 
Through many and many an age proclaim, 
At civic revel and pomp and game, 
And when our long illumined cities flame, 
Our ever loyal iron leader's fame, 
With honor, honor, honor, honor to him — 
Eternal honor to his name ! " 

The President called upon the Rev. Lyman 
Whitney Allen, an invited guest, to reply to the- 
third toast— 

" The Revolution of the Sons." 

REV. LYMAN WHITNEY ALLEN. 

I take great pleasure in being here to-day, and 
appreciate the honor of addressing those who have 
so truly been termed by the invitation sent me, 
"The patriotic sons of patriotic sires." 

I am here as a guest and not as a member of 
the Sons of the American Revolution. I feel some- 
what like the man from Georgia to whom it was 
said : 

"I understand you are a veteran of our late 

war."' 

" I have that honor, sir," he said. 

' ' To what regiment % " 

" No regiment at all, sir ; just a natural born 
colonel." 

So, to-day, I appear before you, not as a mem- 
ber of your regiment, but simply a natural born 
Son of the American Revolution. 

I have been asked to respond to the toast, "The 
Revolution of the Sons." While the subject is new, 
the custom dates back to the times of our patriotic 



259 



sires, and I am reminded to-day, of how our dig- 
nified ancestors, in those hours of patriotic enthu- 
siasm, responded to toasts as peculiar and compre- 
hensive as those upon this auspicious occasion. 
There were some toasts as unique as ours, into 
which our ancestors poured their fieiy eloquence : 

"The daughters of America in the arms of 
their brave defenders only. " 

' ' May the enemies of America be turned into 
salt-petre and go off in hot blasts.'' 

" Death and jack-boots before honor and wood- 
en shoes." 

The marked difference, however, between this 
day and that is, that when the toasts just men- 
tioned were given, the bells of the city were rung, 
and each toast was succeeded by a salute of 13 
guns. I can readily understand, however, why 
there have been no salutes following the toasts 
of to-day, because the number of States has been 
so augmented by the glorious deeds of the Sons of 
the American Revolution, that were each toast 
followed by a salute of 45 guns, our dinner would 
be prolonged into the night. 

The theme that has been suggested to me 
sounds overwhelming in its greatness, for when 
I think of the Revolution of the Sons, I recognize 
profound depths, too deep for me at any length to 
traverse to-day. 

We may congratulate ourselves on being the 
descendants of our great-great-grand-fathers. Pro- 
vidence has so arranged it, that when we attempt 
to think of ourselves, our thoughts naturally re- 
vert to our illustrious sires whose mantles have 
fallen upon our shoulders. It is a great thing to 
have a great-great-grand-father. That means a 
very great grand-father. And it must be confessed 
that our Revolutionary ancestors were very great 



260 



men, which is, in part, the reason why the patriots 
of to-day achieve such greatness. 

I am not here to picture the Fathers, but the 
Sons, of the Revolution. However, how can we, 
the Sons, truly know ourselves except through the 
Fathers ? In such presences as these, I would not 
dare attempt to paint the pictures of our ancestors. 
You might be like the art patron who called upon 
a portrait painter, and asked him to paint his 
father. 

''But where is your father ?" asked he of the 
brush. 

" Oh, he died ten years ago : " 

" Then how can I paint him \ " asked the artist. 

" Why," was the reply. "I have just seen your 
portrait of Moses. Surely, if you can paint the 
portrait of a man who died thousands of years ago, 
you can more easily paint the portrait of my father 
who has only been dead ten years." 

Seeing the sort of man he had to deal with, 
the artist undertook the work. When the picture 
-was finished, the newly-blossomed art patron was 
called in to see it. He gazed at it in silence for 
some time, his eyes filling with tears, and then 
said, softly and reverentlv : 

" So that is my father. Ah ! how he has 
changed ! " 

When Raphael was painting his celebrated 
frescoes, two cardinals were criticizing his work, 
One remarked : 

" The apostle Paul has too red a face." 

"He flushed even in heaven." said Raphael, 
" to see into what hands the Church has fallen." 

I feel sure, however, that our illustrious ances- 
tors do not flush as they look down upon their il- 
lustrious sons. 

There is one thing that has troubled me ex- 
ceedingly. I make due allowance for British prej- 



261 

udice and Tory hatred, for the words were written 
by one not in sympathy with the American Revo- 
lution. Nevertheless, where there is smoke, there 
must be some fire. The writer defines those who 
were called, in those clays, the " Sons of Liberty," 
as of two sorts : those who by their ill conduct in 
life were reduced almost to poverty and depended 
for their existence on the turbulence of the times, 
and those — the clergymen — who, instead of preach- 
ing to their flocks meekness and sobriety, belched 
forth from their pulpits liberty and independence. 
Now, though the grand-son of a clergyman, I can- 
not find that I am descended from any belching 
Revolutionary ministers, and, henceforth, I am 
forced to the other horrible alternative. 

But when I contemplate the greatness of the 
Sons of the American Revolution, I realize that it 
is not all due to the hereditary traits of our great - 
great-grand-fathers, but to our great-great-grand- 
mothers as well. My heart beats with pride to-day 
as I think of that good Revolutionary matron, 
— great-great-grand-mother, perhaps, to some of 
us — who sent thirteen sons, each six feet high and 
brave men, into the army of the Revolution. My 
heart glows when I remember that good Revolu- 
tionary woman over yonder in Elizabeth, who sent 
forth her three or four sons into the army, and 
just as they were ready to go, addressed them thus: 

" My children, I have a few words to say to 
you. You are going out in a just cause to fight 
for the rights and liberties of your country. You 
have my blessing and prayers, that God will pro- 
tect and assist you. But if you fall, His will be 
done. Let me beg of you, my children, that if you 
fall, it may be like men, and that your wounds 
may not be in your back parts." 

I am learning, as I read the history of our ma- 
ternal ancestors, where the Sons of the American 



262 



Revolution got many of their sterling qualities that 
have made the order so illustrious. I rememher 
how, when a young fellow at a quilting frolic be- 
gan his aspersions on Congress, the girls, exaspera- 
ted at his impudence, laid hold of him, stripped him 
naked to the waist and, instead of tar, covered him 
with molasses, and for feathers took the downy 
top of flags which grew in the meadows and coated 
him well with them. I remember how they, our 
maternal ancestors' female infantry of twenty rank 
and file with a flank guard of three chosen spirits 
of the male line, in good order saving stride and 
gabble as the record says, attacked and carried 
without opposition from powder, law or conscience, 
Mr. Pitkin's store and bore away in triumph 218 
pounds of sugar. I remember how certain young 
ladies, I am glad to state that they were from Vir- 
ginia, for my great-great-grand-parents came from 
Virginia, resolved not to permit the addresses of 
certain young men unless they had served in the 
Armies of the Revolution long enough to prove by 
their valor that they were deserving of love. I re- 
member how those patriotic women wore knots 
on their breasts and on their shoes resembling 
their flag with its 13 stripes. I remember how the 
women of New Jersey, by holding the space be- 
tween two large cities continued exempt from the 
corruptions of either and preserved a purity of man- 
ners superior to both. 

With such ancestors how could it be otherwise 
than that the Sons of the American Revolution are 
great ? And these great and illustrious descendants 
have a great mission and work before them. And 
it is of this work, the Revolution of the Sons, that I 
would now speak a few words. 

My own feelings of to-day remind me of a 
brother clergyman who, at a ministerial conference, 
announced as the opening subject of the afternoon 



263 



session that Eev. Dr. would present a paper 

on "The Devil," adding, "Please be prompt in at- 
tendance for Brother has carefully prepared 

a paper and is full of his subject." 

Fellow-patriots, I am full of this subject— I do 
not mean full of the Evil One, but the " Revolution 
of the Sons." 

A revolution is, First, the act of revolving 
around a fixed axis or centre ; Second, the return 
to a point before occupied ; Third, the act of re- 
nouncing authority, a revolt successfully accom- 
plished. The Revolution of the Sons is the re- 
volving of the Sons of the American Revolu- 
tion around a fixed axis or centre. What is that 
fixed axis or centre \ It is American liberty. 
For liberty America was bought and settled. It 
was the fixed axis or centre in the hearts of 
the Pilgrim Fathers. It was that around which 
their thoughts and hopes revolved as they made 
their way across the wintry seas, and battled so 
nobly with the hostile foes of Plymouth. It was 
this fixed axis around which Washington and the 
army of the American Revolution revolved, for 
their track of blood was a circle around this divine 
centre American liberty. It was this fixed axis 
around which revolved the American Congress and 
the fifty-six signers to the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. All true Sons of the American Revolu- 
tion from that day to this have travelled in this 
beaten track around this centre of American 
liberty. He who leaves this track, he who wanders 
from it into tangential lines of whatever sort, is a 
traitor to his country and betrayer of her noblest 
principles and traditions. Sons of the American 
Revolution, let it ever be burnt into your very 
hearts that your revolution must be about that 
same fixed national, God-given, blood-erected axis, 
American liberty. 



264 



The Revolution of the Sons is a return to the 
point occupied by their patriotic sires, it is a going 
back to that which they held as the purchasers of 
our liberty. Thousands of Americans have forgot- 
ten how American liberty was born. Even the 
Fourth of July has degenerated into a Chinese New 
Year's celebration. It was the fighting editor of a 
certain newspaper who said, " Now that the cruel 
war with Chili is over, what next ?" to which the 
managing editor replied, "Well, there's Heresy — 
its always with us. Use your surplus ammunition 
on the heretic." Even Sons of the American Revo- 
lution have wandered off into firing at heretics. I 
do not say that heretics ought never to be cojirt- 
martialled and shot with solid orthodox grape-shot 
or canister, but I do say that many a man firing at 
heretics would do his country more good if he would 
try to shoot with good American legislative bullets 
some of these enemies of our liberties and blow up 
with genuine ballot-box enthusiasm some of their 
infernal institutions. 

Return to the principles for which our ances- 
tors fought is not retrogression but progress. All 
advance is circular, cyclical, a going back to great 
principles but on higher planes. All great advances 
in civilization start with advanced principles. Then 
the tendency is retrogression. It is hard to be brave 
all the day long. It is hard to live on the mountain 
top by the year. But civilization needs just that 
thing. The Revolution of the Sons is the perpetua- 
tion of those primal principles of American Revo- 
lution. 

Sons of the American Revolution, we are to go 
back and stand where stood General Washington 
and Oliver Spencer, and Samuel Hayes, and Aaron 
Hatfield, names of American patriots of whom 
New Jersey is justly proud. Sons of the American 
Revolution, we are to go back and stand where 



265 

stood Wolcott Hubbell and Thomas Lamb, and 
Jonathan Condit, great-grand-father of our hon- 
ored president, and Amos Scudder, who guided 
"Washington down to his victory at Trenton. 

The Revolution of the Sons must be along the 
lines of their blood-stained tracks, their thunderous 
batteries, their immortal victories. Back, then, 
Sons of the American Revolution ! back to where 
stood and fought your illustrious sires. Back to 
their principles. Fight from their vantage heights 
of purity and patriotism and then will your revolu- 
tion go down into history as important and as 
glorious as theirs. 

The Revolution of the Sons of the American 
Revolution is a revolt against authority that tram- 
ples on the liberty of Americans ! The Revolution 
of our forefathers was a revolt against English ab- 
solutism. We have more than England to fight : 
we have all Europe. Give to Italy and Germany. 
to Ireland and to Bohemia right hands of fellow- 
ship, but with the hand-pressure let them know 
that while in Europe they can be what they please. 
in America they must be Americans. Sons of the 
American Revolution, your revolution is a revolt 
against continentalism in America. Down with 
all foreign absolutism in America, be it of church 
or state. Let it be blazoned on your banner. 
" America ruled by Americans." 

The revolution of our forefathers was against 
King George III. and his minions of monarchism. 
Your revolution is against him whose monarchial 
minions are legion, brewers and saloon-keepers, 
ballot-box stuffers, ring politicians, New Jersey 
Tammanyites, golden-calf worshippers. You have 
a mission as great as had Washington and his Revo- 
lutionary compatriots. It is just as grand a 
mission to preserve a state as it is to organize it. 
Yours it is to conserve what has been so nobly won 



260 

and given to you as a beneficient and precious heri- 
tage. Yours it is to feed, keep burning, the fires 
of American patriotism and to lead American man- 
hood in the great struggle for American freedom 
and American institutions. Yours it is to inspire 
both the present and the future. 

True, then, to the blood that flows in your 
veins, faithful then to the institutions which have 
been handed down to you from patriotic sires, loyal 
then to the banner, every star and every stripe of 
which has been Avon and kept by unnumbered sacri- 
fices, march on, fight on until at last American free- 
dom shall have circled the globe, until at last the 
world in its swinging circles rolls up redeemed 
against the feet of the living Christ. 

Gen. Bradley T. Johnston, the President of 
the Maryland Society of the S. A. R., was pre- 
sent as an invited guest. Mr. Whitehead called 
upon the members to drink to the health of Gen. 
Johnston and to the prosperity of the society over 
which he presides. 

Gen. Johnston, in response, spoke as follows : 

GEN. BRADLEY T. JOHNSTON. 

My friend, your President, was just asking me 
the story of Peggy Stewart, that gallant young 
woman who was referred to in the poem that has 
been recited to us. In the Spring of 1774, there 
was in the outlying counties of Maryland what was 
called a Whig Club ; it had been the practice for 
some years prior to that time that this club should 
be turned into a company of infantry or cavalry 
whenever their services might be needed in any 
part of the State. 

Boston Harbor had had its Tea Party, followed 
by the rejection of cargoes of tea by Philadelphia and 
New York. The retaliatory measures of England 
had roused the spirit of Maryland. Committees of 
Correspondence had been found to be incapable of 



267 



coping with the situation and a Convention was sum • 
moned, composed of deputies from all the Counties, 
to meet at Annapolis. At this Convention Matthew 
Tilghman, Thomas Johnson, Jr., Eobert Golds- 
borough and Samuel Chase were appointed repre- 
sentatives of Maryland to a proposed Congress of 
the United Colonies. From this time forth, the 
Convention voiced the sovereign will of the people 
and was in fact the Government. 

An agreement had been signed by the mer- 
chants of the Community that no tea should be im- 
ported by them ; not that the beverage was not 
appreciated by the people, but the tea had been 
taxed by Great Britain, and their motto was : "Lib- 
erty and Independence or Death.*' 

On October 15, 1771, word came that the ves- 
sel called Peggy Stewart, had arrived at Annapolis 
from England, with an assorted cargo, in which were 
seventeen packages of tea, consigned to James and 
Joseph Williams, merchants of that city. Anthony 
Stewart, the owner of the brig, was one of the 
signers of the non-importation Act, but in order to 
land the rest of the cargo, he paid the duty on the 
tea. The people were indignant and considered it 
-an insult to the Commonwealth. A guard was 
placed on the vessel and the Convention summoned. 
Meantime, word had been sent to the country side, 
and as was the custom, every man who could, 
mounted a horse and in less than a day the whole 
country around was crowded with mounted men. 

The Convention met ; Stewart and the two 
Williamses came forward ; nobody knew what was 
to happen to Anthony Stewart nor to Peggy Stew- 
art either ; finally Mr. Chase arose, and passing 
out moved towards the wharf, followed by the 
mounted guards. He went down to the wharf and 
ordered the cargo to be thrown overboard. This 
was agreed to by the parties interested, but it was 



268 



not satisfactory to the crowd, who insisted that the 
brig should be burned. A riot would probably 
have resulted, had not Stewart, who saw there was 
no escape, taken the wisest course by offering to 
burn the brig with his own hands. The brig was 
run aground near Windmill Point, and the owner 
going on board in a boat set her on fire, as she 
stood with all her sails and rigging, the crowd' 
watching till she burned to the water's edge. 

I was interested in hearing read the report on 
the Constitution of the Consolidated Societies, and 
was pleased to see that no man could be a member 
of this Society, unless he had an ancestor who had 
committed treason to the mother country. I be- 
speak here that the term collateral should be left 
out of the proposed Constitution of the General So- 
ciety purposed to be formed from the two Associa- 
tions, unless you wish members who will represent 
the Tories in Maryland. Francis Scott Key was a 
Tory during the entire Revolution ; he came back 
after the war, his disabilities Avere removed and he 
was made a member of Congress ; but it won't do 
for you to have such members in your Society ; 
there is no sense in it, and therefore I make it a 
point with you to-night ; I want that clause stricken 
out and insist that no man shall be eligible as a 
member of this Society, unless he can trace his 
descent to some one who has been guilty of treason 
to Great Britain. 

During the dinner Miss Allie Cadmus recited, 
with great power, the poem entitled " The Day we 
Celebrate." 

Miss Marie Louise Lyon, also recited the 
original poem prepared for the occasion, and dedi- 
cated to the Society, written by Miss Davy and 
referred to in the proceedings of the annual meet- 
ing, held in the morning. This recitation was in- 
tended to have been given in the evening exercises „ 



269 



but by special requesl Miss Lyon kindly consented 
to anticipate. 

The banquet was further enlivened by a solo, 
rendered by Mi*. Clarence A. Cree, tenor, and by the 
■singing by a quartette, composed of Miss Lyde B. 
Marsh, soprano ; Mrs. Edward S. Alston, contralto ; 
Mr. Clarence A. Cree, tenor, and Mr. William F. 
Mullin, bass, of the two songs, "The Battle Cry of 
Freedom" and "'The Prisoner's Hope." 

In the evening the Society gathered in the 
First Presbyterian Church in Newark. Col. Henry 
E. Hatfield, the Chairman of the Committee of Ar- 
rangements, presided at the opening exercises. 

The music was under the direction of Mr. John 
H. B. Conger, organist, and the same quartette 
present at the dinner, were also present in the 
evening. 

Mr. Conger performed an overture on the 
organ, and then the quartette sang " The Star 
Spangled Banner," the congregation joining in the 
chorus. 

The Reverend N. A. HoUifield, D. D., of the 
third Presbyterian Church, of Newark, then in- 
voked the divine blessing, when the quartette sang 
Columbia's Jubilee. 

Col. Hatfield then introduced the President of 
the Society, who made an opening address. 

A selected solo was then sung by Miss Lyde B. 
Marsh. 

Miss Allie Cadmus recited "Liberty's Bell," 
which was followed by the quartette singing, 
" Just before the battle." 

The orator of the evening, Gen. Bradley T. John- 
ston, was then introduced and spoke as follows : 

GEN. BRADLEY T. JOHNSTON. 






270 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 

AND ITS PRODUCT, AMERICANISM AND THE AMERICAN 
CITIZEN. 

When the last scene of the last act in the drama 
of the Revolution was about to be set, when De 
Grasse's ship swung lazily to the tide in Lynn Ha- 
ven Bay, and Cornwallis's drums beat a parley at 
Yorktown, the Marquis was granted a two hours' 
truce to accept the terms of surrender which were 
required of him. 

Col. John Laurens, of South Carolina, was one 
of the American Commissioners to arrange the 
capitulation, and on submitting the terms proposed 
by Washington, Colonel Dundas, one of the British 
Commissioners, protested that they were harsh and 
of unnecessary and unheard of severity. 

" They are the precise terms that were granted 
General Lincoln by Lord Cornwallis upon the sur- 
render of Charleston," said Laurens. This closed 
the discussion and the articles were signed. 

The British troops were to march out with flags 
furled and their drums beating a British march, and 
to stack their arms in the presence of the allied 
armies and thus become prisoners of war, and Gen- 
eral Lincoln was to receive Lord Cornwallis's sword. 

On the 19th of October, 1781, the French and 
American armies were drawn up on each side of the 
road and the British troops marched between the 
two, their colors cased and their drums beating the 
march called " The World Turned Upside Down." 
Cornwallis impaired his reputation by his absence, 
excusing himself on the plea of sickness, and sent 
Gen. O'Hara to face the mortifying ceremony. 

O'Hara offered his sword to Washington, who 
-with grave dignity directed him to deliver it to 
General Lincoln. And thus ended the War of the 



271 

Revolution, as then began the revolution of ideas 
which has since "turned the world upside down." 
And the clumsy impertinence of the British officer 
in selecting music with such a suggestive name, 
turned out to be a clever prophecy of what the con- 
sequence of the dramatic spectacle would be. 

No such turning upside down was ever before 
begun in the history of man. Not when Belshaz- 
zar trembled at the writing on the wall. Not when 
Titus sacked the Holy of Holies. Not when the 
Goths marched down the Appian Way or the ban- 
ner of the prophet waved over St. Sophia did such a 
change impend or ensue as when Cornwallis's drums 
beat. 

"The world turned upside down." Civiliza- 
tions and races, empires and religions had before 
then arisen, had grown strong, had flourished, had 
decayed, had died. 

They had all as their animating spirit, their 
directing and controlling power, the idea of force. 
At all times, wherever man had lived, whether in 
civilized or savage society, the central thought, that 
was the inspiration of their life, was that force 
must control, that the strong must rule the weak, 
the wise the foolish, the rich the poor. 

Justice, charity and love were unknown as 
factors in human life or human society. That 
might makes right had been the rule aud the belief 
in all civilizations that had ever existed. 

But they had all perished. 

All systems, all philosophies, all empires, had 
passed away and left no record. Who can trace 
the thousand kings who reigned in Ceylon, or the 
hundred kingdoms that have succeeded each other 
in Tehuantepec % 

Who can tell where Cambyses lies buried, or 
point out the spot where Cyrus was enthroned ? 

"Mummy has become mercha dise," as Sir 



272 



Thomas Browne long ago said, and " Pharo is sold 
for balsam." 

The Pharo who judged Joseph is fuel for a lo- 
comotive, and he who drove Moses out has become 
an archaeological curiosity for a museum. So there 
has been an end of all philosophies, all religions, all 
races, all works of men. 

But ideas are immortal. 

Thought is omnipotent, and in the great law 
that rules the universe, it is decreed that hate, 
malice, selfishness, all bad passions, shall be tem- 
porary and evanescent ; but that love, charity, and 
generosity, shall grow and extend themselves and 
increase in power and live forever. 

The words spoken long ago by the Son of the 
Carpenter on the shores of Galilee, to the fisher- 
men and mechanics and plain people of that day, 
have been sounding down the ages ever since, but 
never have they been accepted as the rule of con- 
duct of a race or a government until Cornwallis's 
drums beat " The world turned upside down." 

The foundation idea of the American Revolu- 
tion was that every man had an equal right to life, 
liberty and the pursuit of happiness and, therefore, 
had inalienable right to equality of opportunity, to 
an equal chance to live and improve his condition. 

For that, sharply and clearly, was the idea that 
was to turn the world upside down and revolu- 
tionize organizations everywhere. 

Society is controlled by usage, custom and tra- 
dition more than by positive laws, and the custom 
of the world crystallized into a prayer was that 
each man ' ' shall be happy in that state of life into 
which it had pleased God to call him." 

That is, that men were born into their proper 
places ; born to a dukedom, his posterity ought to 
be dukes forever. Born to be a blacksmith, as his 



273 

ancestors had been, his descendants must ever be in 
the same sphere of life. 

The doctrine of Divine Right applied to every- 
one from king to cobbler, for each man occupied 
the place to which it had pleased God to call him, 
and it was impious to disturb the established order. 
All this went down with Cornwallis's flag and 
O'Hara's sword surrendered the doctrine of Divine 
Right forever. 

The American philosophy is not alone a poli- 
tical philosophy, it is a social one as well, and it 
contains the idea and forces which will reorganize 
civilization on a broader foundation of justice, love 
and charity, and will bring mankind into relations 
of fraternity and generous dealing with each other. 

In America every man has a fair chance and 
an equal chance. 

Our ancestors did not believe nor did they pro- 
fess to believe in our hair splitting theories of uni- 
versal equality, for they knew that men and races 
differ in force, in intellect, in physique,, as much as 
the leaves differ on the trees, the waves in the 
ocean or the stars in heaven. And they believed 
that it was the duty of the strong to protect the 
weak, the wise the foolish, the rich the poor. 

They understood perfectly the inequality in the 
conditions and powers of men, and they believed 
that the possession of power was a God-given trust 
to be exercised for the good of all, and not for the 
benefit of one alone. 

But they asserted, and insisted, and enforced, 
that each man shall have an equal right before the 
law, to think as he pleases, to speak as he chooses, 
to work as he selects, and to enjoy all the benefits 
of his own labor. 

That is the American doctrine, established at 
Yorktown, and it will rule the world. 

I know that selfishness, the law of might 



274 

makes right, of the survival of the fittest and 
fightiest, are operating here with a force and vigor 
that can only be exerted in a free country. 

I know that selfishness and avarice are trying 
to suppress the perfect operation of Americanism, 
and that it has lately been decided that money 
shall have the power to settle the terms upon 
which labor shall live, and shall have the right to- 
apportion to the laborer such portions of the profit 
of his labor as the employer shall consider to be 
just. 

And I know, also, that this decision has been 
supported by Governors, by Legislatures, by Courts, 
by the Press and by the general consent of society. 
But I know, equally well, that such a decision 
settles nothing. It is not just and it cannot live. 
The right to live, to labor, and to enjoy the fruits 
of his labor, is the inalienable right of the Ameri- 
can citizen, and no Governors, no Courts, and no 
Societies, can deprive him of that right. 

He will assert it as his ancestors did at Runny- 
mede against John as they did against Charles 
Stuart, against Cromwell, against George I'll, and 
the question will never be settled until it is settled 
right, that the proportion of his earnings the laborer 
is to receive must always and in the nature of things 
be a matter of agreement between laborer and em- 
ployer. To permit the latter to fix it makes the 
former a slave. 

To protect this American idea and to preserve 
and to perpetuate this American right, this Ameri- 
can Republic was constituted. 

It has fostered a society where the people are 
happier, where property is more secure, where the 
home is more honored, where women are more re- 
spected than in any that now exists or which has 
ever existed in the world. With the exception of 



275 



England and Russia it is now the oldest govern- 
ment in the civilized world. 

There are many who believe, and I am one, 
that if the Jersey plan propounded by William Pat- 
terson to the convention of 1787 had been adopted 
and afterwards had been conformed to, and been 
lived up to, we would have escaped many perils in 
the past and been spared many dangers of the 
future. 

That was a grand struggle of Titans between 
the Jersey plan and the Virginia plan, and the Vir- 
ginia victory was the fruitful mother of woes un- 
numbered to her. 

But Jersey, though defeated, has ever been true 
to her lofty ideals and furnished the moral com- 
monwealth of the Republic. 

The effects of this idea of equal opportunity have 
been far reaching and incredible. From a sparsely 
populated fringe along the Atlantic seaboard of 
3,000,000 we have embraced a continent with 65,- 
000,000 ; from thirteen states we have enlarged to 
forty -four states, and we are now the most power- 
ful government that has existed since the death of 
Caesar. 

We can put more men in the field, equip and 
feed them better, raise more money and have a 
larger, greater genius for war than any other peo- 
ple of our day. In the arts of peace we are equally 
prominent. In controlling the forces of nature, 
steam, electricity, the sunlight and the wind power, 
we show the world the way to apply them to the 
uses of man. 

And no where, at no time, have so many people 
lived comfortably, happily and securely, as in these 
United States, in this year 1892. 

The pervading idea of this Society is regard for 
right and the desire to be just. The controlling 
force is the wish to help the unfortunate and to 



276 



comfort the unhappy. These feelings operate in 
every sphere of life, and the result is that the 
American is the bravest, most generous, most chiv- 
alric man on earth. He has the best manners and 
is the most courteous, acknowledging no superior, 
his own self-respect compels him to respect every- 
body. 

Climate and institutions produce marked effects 
in moulding the morals as well as the physical form 
of men. For manliness and virtue, for regard for 
honor and truth, for unselfish devotion to principle 
and to country, for charity and good will for all, 
for all embracing patriotism, Americanism towers 
above the highest standard of Roman virtue or the 
grandest exhibition of Greek devotion. 

The apostle warned the Roman soldier. I am 
free born, but you bought your liberty with a price. 
Beware how you lay your hands on me. 

" Civis Romanus sum.'''' 

I am a freeman of Rome. 

For twenty centuries that proud cry has been 
silent and the power of Rome has crumbled into 
dust with her palaces, and the pick-axe and the 
spade reveal greater evidence of grandeur than the 
upper air, and the bottom of the Tiber yields richer 
trophies of genius and of art than its banks. 

But justice, right, love and charity are from 
God and are eternal. They will be the forces that 
direct and control this new civilization, this Amer- 
icanism, in the ages that are to come. 

And when London shall have become an archaeo- 
logical museum and the cities of the southern seas 
shall send exploring parties to the ruins of Paris — 
then on the highest Himalaya peak or in the great 
State controlling Central Africa, the invocation, 
" I am an American citizen," shall invest him with 
the prestige and the power of the great Republic, 



277 

and as long as the tides flow and the flowers bloom 
and the planets march shall the banner of the stars 
belt the world with the halo of right, justice, 
charity and love, of patriotism and devotion to 
honor and truth, courage and manliness. 

A selected solo was then sung by Mrs. N. D. 
Russell, after which Miss Lyon read the poem writ- 
ten by Miss Davy : 

AN ORIGINAL POEM 

WRITTEN BY A GREAT-GRAND-DAUGHTER OF ANN HAL- 
STED, A REVOLUTIONARY HEROINE, AND DEDICA- 
TED TO THE NEW JERSEY SOCIETY, SONS OF THE 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION, DECEMBER 26, 1892. 

MISS SARAH M. DAVY. 

A century and more sheds its dim and mellow rays 
Over Revolution scenes and the deeds of other days : 
But let us part the drapery, enter into memory's halls ; 
And gaze with reverent spirit at the pictures on her walls. 
There's the North Church steeple with the lantern swinging to and fro, 
And the rider urging on his steed upon the road below ; 
The hopes and fears that filled the soul of loyal Paul Revere 
As he sped upon his errand, were not voiced to mortal ear, 
But as he passed the word to each terror-stricken band, 
We can almost hear him saying : " God and my native land ! " 
There's the Hessian camp at Trenton, December 26th, 
The soldiers idling listlessly — their arms in stacks are fixed ; 
Still lingering o'er their Christmas feast, without a single fear, 
They little dream of anything but comfort and good cheer. 
But the brave and gallant leader of the now disheartened band 
Is already on the Delaware and so the time has planned 
That the mercenary Hessians are surprised and put to rout : — 
Then throughout the little army, courage takes the place of doubt ; 
One thousand of the enemy yield, with cannon and with shot, 
And the nation's fate is settled upon that very spot. 
Another land and other scenes now come at Memory's call ; — 
Nobles and lords — a regal court ; and grand among them all, 
Plain Benjamin Franklin tells the heirs of luxury and ease 
The story of his country's needs — the land across the seas. 
They bend a listening ear to his projects and his plans 
And the struggling little colony clasps the helping hand of France. 
The suftering at Valley Forge, of the Camp at Morristown ; 
The traitor's deed ; the dark, dark days before the victor's crown ; — 
All come before our vision as we linger in the past, 
And the names of martyred heroes crowd upon us thick and fast. 



278 



Not all the noble men went forth upon the battle-field ; 

Some must remain the lands to till, the firesides to shield : 
But when the Short Hills cannon resounds in thunderous tones, 
The fires are lit from hill to hill ; then from their various homes, 

The " Minute Men " like swarms of bees assemble at their posts, 

And in a trice the Morris hills are safe from hostile hosts. 
Another silent army gave then* husbands, brothers, sons, 
To the service of their country, when they went to man the guns. 

Were there no heroines in their ranks — no glorious martyrdom ? 

Did they not suffer oftentimes a thousand deaths in one ? 
Brave Molly Pitcher faltered not before the cannon's roar ; 
Ann Halsted donned coat, bat and gun and saved her father's stores ; 

Gay Baltimoreans celebrate their " Peggy Stewart's " day ; 

The matron of Elizabethtown unbidden went her way 
To the Council Chamber where was broached the question of the hour — 
Submission to oppression and to a hostile power ; 

Standing before her husband, with firm, unflinching heart, 

She said : "If you submit, henceforth our ways do part." 
In Morristown, the women through the country far and wide, 
Ceased not to knit and spin from early morn till eventide, 

And many a weary soldier, when he felt the hand of death, 

Murmured blessings on their efforts with his last sad parting breath. 
The Revolutionary heroes have joined the shadowy throng, 
But their lineal descendants still live to right the wrong, 

To resist the hostile inroads of a grasping, foreign foe, 

To uplift the fallen statue of Liberty laid low. 

The handful of brave spirits, as the years have passed away, 
Has become a mighty nation and beneath its scepter's sway, 

Dwell in one common brotherhood all kindreds, tribes and tongues — 
The hordes of pent-up Europe, — the Greeks, the Slavs, the Huns, 
The Turk, the Celt, the Italian, the Spaniard, — all have come, 
By thousands and ten thousands to join the general sum ; 
The Dark Continent and India, and China, too, are here 
And each passes on his way, with none molesting, none to fear. 
Sons of the Revolution ! What is your duty of the hour ? 
Would you maintain undimmed the prestige and the power 
Of the heritage your fathers won in those dark and trying days ? 
Then rouse up from your lethargy and fix your piercing gaze 
On the mercenary throngs upon every side arrayed, 
That would rob you of your birthright, and in the dust degrade 
The principles for which they fought, for which they bled and died, 
And for which, in many a soldier's grave, they are lying side by side ! 
Let your Minute Men assemble ! Relight your signal fires, 
For the safety of your country and the honor of your sires ! 
Let the lantern be flung out from the North Church tower again ! 
Gird on your rusty armor and quit yourselves like men ! 
When the eagle leaves his eyrie, on your next assembly day, 
Let him bear aloft this message to those long since passed away : 
That the dear old flag still floats and shall never cease to wave, 
O'er a land where all are free and o'er homes where all are brave. 



279 

The congregation, under the direction of the 
quartette, sang "America," and the congregation 
was dismissed by the benediction, from the Rev. 
Lyman Whitney Allen. 

On March 20th, 1893, the Board of Managers 
requested the President to prepare a statement of 
the causes of failure of the contemplated union be- 
tween the S. R. and the S. A. R., which he accord- 
ingly did. This statement was printed and dis- 
tributed among the members. It is as follows : 

STATEMENT 

OF CAUSES OF FAILURE OF UNION OF S. R. AND 
. S. A. R. 

Morristown, N. J., March 20. 1S93. 

To the Members of the N. J. Society of the S. A. R. : 

Gentlemen : — At a meeting of the Board of 
Managers, held this day, your President was direc- 
ted to prepare a statement of the facts relative to 
the recent attempted union between the S. R. and 
the S. A. R., and the reasons for its failure. It 
seemed proper to them that you should be put in 
full possession of these facts in order that you might 
understand them yourselves, and be prepared to 
state them intelligently to others. 

It is claimed and industriously asserted that 
the N. J. Society of the S. R. is the "parent Society 
■of New Jersey." This claim is without foundation 
in fact, for the N. J. Society of the S. A. R. was 
organized in March, 1889 ; that of the S. R. two or 
three years afterwards. The N. Y. Society of the 
B. R. was formed in 1883, and has done good ser- 
vice, accomplishing much in its own State for the 
objects which induced its formation. These two 



280 



Societies, the S. R. of New York, and the S. A. R. 
of New Jersey, were both State organizations, inde- 
pendent of each other and operating within the 
lines of their own territory. Neither of them was, 
in any sense, tributary to the other, and the as- 
sumption by either of any authority over the other, 
would be utterly baseless ; in no sense could either 
be the parent of the other. In 1876, a similar As- 
sociation was formed in California, which although 
intended to be national in its character, never laid 
claim to the parentage of any other Society. If the 
California organization had arrogated to itself any 
such claim, the N. Y. Association would have rightly 
rejected it with scorn. 

Almost immediately after its formation, the N. 
J. Society of the S. A. R. effected an organization 
called the " National Society of the S. A. R.," which 
has since been in active operation. Under that or- 
ganization, twenty-six different State Societies have 
arisen, all of them, including that of California, 
being represented to-day by delegations in this Na- 
tional Society. 

The S. R. of N. Y. at first assumed the right 
of forming other associations auxiliary to itself, but 
in 1890 abandoned that claim, and in that same 
year, and after the formation of the National So- 
ciety of the S. A. R. , organized a similar associa- 
tion, called the "General" Society, composed of 
delegations, if I am correctly informed, from ten or 
twelve State associations. A much larger number 
is connected with the "National" than with the 
"General" Society ; but that is a matter of little 
importance. 

From time to time, after the organization of 
these two bodies, the "National" has made fre- 
quent overtures to the " General" Society for 
union, but these overtures were rejected, and not 
always in the kindest manner. There was, how- 



281 



ever, a general desire amongst the majority of the 
members of the S. A. R. that that union should be 
effected, and they felt that as theirs was the larger 
association and did not really need the co-operation 
of the other, these overtures should come from 
them. In perfect good faith, and with an honest 
desire that the two associations, having the same 
objects and actuated by the same motives, should 
come together and form a strong, united body, 
these overtures were made, and it has not been the 
fault of the stronger organization that the union 
has not been accomplished. 

In April last, at the annual Convention of the 
National Society of the S. A. R., held in New York, 
Jonathan Trumbull, under the direction of the Con- 
necticut Society, of which he was President, offer- 
ed a resolution that steps should be taken for this 
long desired union. Upon his motion, the Presi- 
dents of the State Societies, where there were two 
associations, were appointed a Committee to meet 
a like body from the General Society of the S. R. 
In accordance with this resolution, Edwin S. Bar- 
rett, of Massachusetts, John Whitehead, of New 
Jersey, and Gen. A. W. Greeley, of the District of 
Columbia, were elected members of that Commit- 
tee, Mr. Trumbull being afterwards added and sub- 
sequently becoming Chairman. Notice of this ac- 
tion was given to the General Society of the S. R. 
and gentlemen were appointed from that associa- 
tion to meet with the Committee from the S. A. R. 
These two bodies held several joint meetings during 
the past summer. I was present at every meeting 
and now speak from actual knowledge. I know 
that the Committee from the S. A. R. was unani- 
mous in favor of union, and that its members went 
to these meetings with the settled purpose of remo- 
ving every possible obstacle which honorable gen- 
tlemen could surrender, and, I think I ought to say 



282 



that I believed at the time, that the majority of 
the gentlemen from the S. R. were also in favor of 
union. 

At the first meeting there were only four rep- 
resentatives of the S. A. R. present and they were 
confronted by some fifteen or twenty from the S. 
R., all men of ability and keenly alive to the inter- 
ests of those whom they represented. It was not 
at all possible that they would have forgotten or 
overlooked any difference between the two organi- 
zations, or any ground of complaint which existed 
against the S. A. R. Gen. Porter was Chairman of 
the joint meeting, and the other members of the 
Committee of the National Society were left to fight 
the battle without his most efficient aid. 

It must be remembered that the object of the 
joint Committee was to ascertain all obstacles pre- 
venting the union and, if possible, to remove them. 

The S. A. R. was much the larger organization 
and it would seem that if there were any conces- 
sions to be made, they would naturally come from 
the smaller body. But the S. A. R. was disposed 
to surrender many things, if necessary. It gave up 
its name, its seal, its colors. These were surren- 
dered after much debate and some warm discus- 
sion. The Society of the S. R. demanded every- 
thing and conceded little ; they were, in fact, not 
disposed to make any concessions, but disputed 
every point, inch by inch. It is alleged by the S. R. 
that their name, colors and seal, were to be "as- 
sumed " by the united organization. This is not 
exactly correct and the word used is misleading ; 
it was not an assumption, it was a surrender by a 
larger body to a smaller one. 

The outcome of the meetings of the joint Com- 
mittee and of the discussions accompanying them, 
was the preparation of a Constitution for the new 
Society and of a report signed by every member of 



283 



the joint Committee, recommending a union upon 
the basis of that Constitution, and that simultane- 
ous meetings of the two associations should be held 
at the call of the two Presidents, when this report 
should be presented, a union perfected on the basis 
of this Constitution, and officers elected. 

Every point of difference between the two or- 
ganizations was discussed at these meetings, but at 
no time was there a word said or a hint given that 
there was a doubt as to the eligibility of any mem- 
ber of the S. A. R. If there were any such doubt 
existing in the mind of any one of the joint 
Committee, then was the time and place to have 
stated it ; none being stated, according to all 
rules of ethics, or even of ordinary fair dealing, 
no question could be honorably raised after the 
settlement by the Joint Committee. All matters 
of difference not brought to the attention of 
the persons appointed for the express purpose of 
settling such difference must be considered as 
waived. Both parties had a perfect right to believe 
that every difficulty was arranged. Certainly the 
S. A. R., under the circumstances, could come to 
no other conclusion than this : That the S. R. had 
raised all possible questions which existed, and 
that there was an end of controversy, full oppor- 
tunity having been given for the settlement of every 
possible difference, an amicable settlement of these 
differences having been reached and a report em- 
bodying the result of the action of the Joint Com- 
mittee, having been signed by every member of 
that Committee. 

On the sixteenth of February, 1893, the two associ- 
ations met, in accordance with the recommendation 
of this report, in the Chamber of Commerce, of New 
York, at which meeting the S. A. R. was largely 
represented. Representatives were there from all 
the New England States, from the Middle States 



284 



and from the District of Columbia ; from Maryland,, 
Virginia, South Carolina, Tennessee and Kentucky '; 
from Ohio, Wisconsin, Missouri, Nebraska and 
Washington, and, perhaps, from some other States 
not now recalled. I am informed that the Conven- 
tion of the S. R. was also a large one. What 
brought these gentlemen, at such expense of time 
and money, from their distant homes ? Certainly, 
the expectation that this long-talked-of union was 
now to be effected. Is it possible, if there had been 
the slightest doubt of this result, that the officers 
of the two Societies, composed of men of unusual 
intelligence and supposed to have some degree of 
self respect would have so stultified themselves as 
to ask their members to take so much pains and go 
to so much expense ? 

Many amendments to the Constitution pre- 
sented by the Joint Committee were proposed in 
both meetings, and much discussion took place. 
At 12:30 P. M., a Committee from theS. R., headed 
by F. A. Talmadge, Esq., President of the N. Y. 
Society, who had been a member of the Joint Com- 
mittee and had taken a prominent part in its pro- 
ceedings and discussions, appeared before the S. A. 
R. with a resolution passed by the S. R., recom- 
mending a union upon the basis of the Constitution 
without amendment. This Committee asked the 
S. A. R. to pass a similar resolution, and urged 
them to meet at once in joint convention to perfect 
the union and elect officers of the new association. 
With this request, so far as the resolution was con- 
cerned, the S. A. R. at ooce complied and sent a 
committee to the S. R. informing them of this 
action, and that arrangements were made to re- 
ceive them. It must be remarked that up to this 
moment of time not a word had been spoken, not 
a hint offered by the S. R. of any question in regard 
to the eligibility of members. The joint convention 



285 



was considered so settled a fact that a Chairman 
was selected to preside over it, and a gentleman 
chosen to nominate that Chairman. A half hour 
passed, an hour, an hour and a half and more, and 
then there appeared before the S. A. R. a Committee 
from the S. R., with an entirely new proposition, 
never before even hinted at in any previous meet- 
ing of the Joint Committee. That proposition was 
this : That a Committee of two should be appointed 
by each association, and that these four persons 
should select a fifth, not a member of either Society ; 
that this body should revise the list of member- 
ship of all the State Societies and should eliminate 
all who, in their opinion, were ineligible for member- 
ship, under the neiv Constitution, not yet adopted ; 
that the two Conventions should adjourn sine die, 
to be called together by the two presidents with a 
Convention composed of delegates elected by mem- 
bers of the State Societies thus sifted. 

The unanswerable objections to these resolu- 
tions are too apparent to need debate, but these ob- 
jections were all forgotten in the storm of indigna- 
tion which filled the mind of every member of the 
S. A. R. They all felt that the resolutions were an 
afterthought, to prevent union ; that they were 
a direct insult to the Joint Committee, an offence 
to the whole Convention of the S. A. R., and that 
there was only one answer to them — an adjourn- 
ment sine die. If it were possible that any person 
had crept into its membership on deficient proof, 
the S. A. R. would have been more anxious than 
the S. R. to correct the records, and under the cir- 
cumstances, any action in that direction could well 
have been postponed until after the union was per- 
fected. The S. R. would have lost nothing by such 
postponement. 

But the S. A. R. was not willing to surrender 
all hope of union without further action. So an- 



286 



other Committee was appointed, with Gen. Horace 
Porter at its head, which waited on the S. R. and 
urged that the objectionable resolutions should be 
withdrawn. This was refused, and there was only 
one course left for the S. A. R., and that, to ad- 
journ ; they could do nothing else with any degree 
of self respect. 

It is not necessary for me to enter into any 
argument in addition to this statement of facts to 
show the propriety of the action of the S. A. R. 
Any other coarse would have been lacking in re- 
spect to the Joint Committee and to themselves. 
That Joint Committee had honestly performed its 
duty, and had arrived at a unanimous conclusion. 
Both parties were bound to abide by that conclusion; 
it was too late to raise any question about any ob- 
stacle, which if it existed at all, must have existed 
before the time of the creation of the Joint Com- 
mittee and was well-known to the S. R., and no hon- 
orable man as it seemed to the S. A. R, ought to have 
raised any such question. Col. S. M. Dickinson 
and Mr. Vroom had both been present at some, if 
not all, of the meetings of the Joint Committee. 
They knew before they attended these meetings 
whether there were any objections to the eligibility 
of members of the S. A. R., but they said never a 
word on that subject. Can they now with any 
propriety raise any such question ? Have not they 
and every member of their association waived any 
obstruction to union ? 

The mode adopted by those who are apologi- 
zing for the action of the S. R. is, to say the least, 
ingenious. They avoid all statements of the real 
facts in the case — facts necessary to a proper un- 
derstanding of it — and after the discussion is closed, 
then raise a question never before hinted at and 
which has therefore been virtually waived. Is the 
statement of these facts studiously avoided \ Can 



287 

the action of the S. R. be regarded in any other light 
than that of a breach of faith ? 

The N. J. Society of the S. A. R. has this to 
say : It challenges the strictest scrutiny, by a 
proper authority, of its records and defies the world 
to designate a member whose proof of eligibility is 
not perfect. 

It may be unfortunate that the union so much 
desired has failed. It is not the fault, and I am 
impelled to say, with the experience of the past, it 
is not the misfortune of the S. A. R. that there has 
been such a failure. 

John Whitehead, 
Pres. N. J. Soc. of the S. A. R. 



Celebration, July 4, 1893, 

ELIZABETH, N. J. 



The members of the Society resident in Eliza- 
beth celebrated the anniversary of American In- 
dependence in an appropriate and patriotic man- 
ner. A large and imposing civic and military pro- 
cession paraded through the streets of the city 
and was reviewed by the orator of the day, the 
Hon. Charles H. Winfield, and the President of 
the Society. The whole celebration was under the 
charge of the members of the Society who resided 
in Elizabeth, and was a perfect success. 

The first Presbyterian Church, in whose grave- 
yard a costly monument had been reared to the 
memory of the Eev. James Caldwell, of Revo- 
lutionary times, was filled to its utmost capacity 
by an appreciative audience. 

The Mayor of Elizabeth, John C. Rankin, Jr., 
Esq., introduced Hon. W. H. Corbin, a member of 
the Society, as the chairman of the day, who made 
the following remarks : 

HON. W. H. CORBIN. 

The arrangements for the formal part of this 
day's celebration were intrusted to the resident 



290 

members of the Society of the Sons of the Ameri- 
can Revolution ; and they have selected this hal- 
lowed place as the most fitting spot for these exer- 
cises. 

Upon this very ground was erected, 230 years 
ago, the Public Meeting House, which served as 
the place of worship, the meeting-place of the 
people, and the seat of justice. Here convened, 
225 years ago last May, the first General Assembly 
of New Jersey. Within the walls, and close around 
the old Meeting House, were interred the bones of 
the founders of this community. Their graves are 
beneath our feet. 

A century later, long after the old meeting 
house had given place to a larger church, which, in 
its turn, had been reduced to ashes by the torch of 
the marauder in the War of the Revolution, this 
goodly church was reared, and under its shadow, 
from year to year, were laid to rest the noble offi- 
cers and men from this town who had fought for 
independence and liberty. 

Within these walls, for more than half a cen- 
tury, this day was observed, as we are now observ- 
ing it, whilst the dwindling number of the survi- 
ving veterans of the Continental Army sat here in 
an honored place, in the sight of all the people. 

This was the ' ' cradle of liberty " for New Jer- 
sey. From the struggles of John Ogden and his 
companions for civil and religious freedom for the 
people, in the time of Carteret, down to the day 
when Abraham Clark, of Elizabethtown, set his 
hand to the Declaration of Independence, there 
never failed brave men, here, to pronounce for 
liberty, good government, and the equal rights of 
men. 

Nor has this pulpit ever ceased to preach right- 
eousness and faith, to enjoin duty upon patriots, 



291 



and to denounce judgments upon traitors and evil- 
doers. 

In the day of battle, a century ago, Parson 
Caldwell, pastor of this church and chaplain of his 
regiment, filled his arms with psalm-books and 
flung them to his soldiers for wadding, meanwhile 
cheering and urging them to duty. 

In the same spirit of aggressive righteousness 
and loyalty, Parson Kempshall, in this present 
year of grace, 1893, at the head of a multitude of 
his indignant and outraged fellow-citizens, who 
had been denied the hearing secured to them by 
the Constitution and the law, marched to the very 
seat of the General Assembly in Trenton, and pro- 
claimed in clarion tones that they took possession 
of that place, not by the grace of the Speaker, but 
by the paramount and .sovereign right of eminent 
domain. 

God grant that in the future, as in the past, in 
peace and in war, in anarchy and strife or in times 
of quietude and indifference, there may never fail, 
here, a strong voice to cry out against oppression, 
treason and sin ; to teach men liberty, law and the 
gospel, and to inspire patriots to work, to suffer 
and to die in maintaining the priceless heritage of 
freedom which was earned for them, here, in sweat 
and blood, and bequeathed to their hands by the 
fathers of their country. 

The Rev. Dr. Kempshall, the pastor of the 
church, offered prayer. 

The Declaration of Independence was read by 
the Hon. Foster M. Voorhees. 

The exercises were enlivened by the singing of 
patriotic songs, "America," "Columbia, the Gem 
of the Ocean," and by organ selections under the 
direction of Mr. John W. Farrington, organist. 

"The Star Spangled Banner "was sung as a 



292 



solo by Mr. William B. Martin, the great congrega- 
tion joining in the chorus. 

The Hon. Charles H. Winfield delivered the 
following address : 

HON. CHARLES H. WINFIELD. 

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : — It 
has become quite the fashion in these times of many 
holidays to ignore the Fourth of July and let it 
pass as a day devoted to noise and confusion. The 
citizens of this old town so full of revolutionary 
relics, traditions and histoiy, are deserving of 
thanks for doing so much to revive an interest 
in its observance. Other days coming into our 
calendar, some backed by a holy sentiment, others 
by the tricks of the demagogue, have crowded 
.aside the day which typifies the existence and 
freedom of our country. • 

In my judgment there are but two days in our 
national calendar worthy to be regarded as holi- 
days, and they are the Fourth of July and Decora- 
tion Day — the one telling the story of the Birth of 
the Republic ; the other bright and fragrant with 
its May flowers, speaking of devotion, sacrifice and 
death for the maintenance of an undivided, indi- 
visible Union. 

Perhaps one reason why the memories of this 
day have grown dim is, that contemporaneous 
events have made it seem so far away. 

The third of the Georges then sat upon Eng- 
land's throne, and his government had scarcely re- 
covered from its fright caused by Wolfe Tone and 
his Irish rebellion. Catherine ruled the wild hordes 
of Russia, and dismembered Poland yet quivered 
in the paws of the imperial tigers which tore her 
asunder. Frederick the Great sat upon the throne 
of Prussia and led her victorious armies. Not yet 
seven years of age was the boy who was to make 



I 



293 

playthings of crowns and write upon the page of 
history the names of Austerlitz, Jena, Eckmuhl 
and Wagram. Over the continent of Europe the 
"rights" of kings were firmly established, and if 
there were doubts as to the "divine" origin of 
those rights, the power to make good those doubts 
and shake those rights was wanting. Nowhere 
had the people risen to the dignity of self-reliant 
manhood. Nowhere did they comprehend the 
equality in which all men are created. Nowhere 
had they broken the bonds of feudalism. Their whole 
duty was to do and die for their lord, the King. 
Night, deep, dull and starless, rested upon the 
masses. Only in France the people began to show 
signs of impatience. But, alas, untaught to dis- 
tinguish liberty from licentiousness, when the day 
of their freedom dawned, it was only to behold the 
same despotism transferred from the King to the 
mob, and as much worse as a herd of infuriated 
beasts is more dangerous than one. 

However far off it may seem, all our history 
points to this day, as a necessity. It stands for re- 
sistance to wrong, for devotion to right. 

It is a paradox but a truth that the same cause 
which built up the British power in America over- 
threw it. In both instances it was oppression. 
The Puritans of New England, the Quakers of 
Pennsylvania, the Catholics of Maryland, the 
Churchmen of Virginia and the Non-Conformists, 
of the Carolinas, cheerfully turned from home and 
kindred for the untrammeled exercise of their devo- 
tions, and the predominance of their religion. Some 
of these having encountered in its fiercest violence 
the fury of theological animosity, being alternately 
the instruments and the victims, abandoned the 
unavailing, unending struggle by voluntary migra- 
tion. Some were banished by the interdictions of 
an illiberal government ; others were proscribed by 



294 



the conscientious bigotry of a tyrant, and sought 
a refuge from the rage of their persecutors among 
the barbarians of this western world. 

It matters not that these people were not in all 
cases educated up to the standard of religious toler- 
ation, that they could not in all cases endure oppo- 
sition to their notions of the Divine government, 
and the manner in which men may worship God. 
The practical lesson which, through centuries of 
religious oppression, the majority had taught, was, 
that the minority had no rights of conscience or 
independent thought, that they must worship in 
the manner and with the shibboleth prescribed by 
the majority, whether represented by caliph, King 
or priest. Conformity, banishment or death was 
the alternative. The principle of toleration was to 
be learned and understood as the years went by. 

Besides the religious, there were political causes 
which contributed to the settlement of these colo- 
nies. From the animosities, factions and civil 
wars which distracted Great Britain, came forth a 
resolute and enterprising race. Of these some were 
unsuccessful in rebellion and fled from the ven- 
geance of the laws ; others voluntarily migrated be- 
cause of their devotion to liberty. 

Then came those who pined in homeless poverty, 
caused by the laws of primogeniture, adverse for- 
tune, or the exactions of rapacious governments. 
Not a few of the immigrants were filled with an 
honorable ambition and a restless spirit. They were 
conscious of merit, which entitled them to some- 
thing above the inferiority to which they were 
doomed at home. They wearied of the obscurity 
to which they were oppressed by wealth, by birth, 
by the influence of privileged orders, and by the 
stratagems of dishonorable competition. 

Such in brief was the general character of the 
primal immigration to these shores. The colonies 



295 



were the common asylum, into which were thrown 
by the alternate waves of persecution, revolution and 
faction, the best and the bravest. The bigoted repub- 
lican and the adherent of the murdered king met on 
an equal footing. The persecutor found a refuge 
among the victims of his persecution. The Catho- 
lic was associated with the Huguenot, the Puritan 
with the Quaker, the pious divine with the inexor- 
able fanatic. 

By people of such character, filled with such 
spirit, animated by such motives, possessing the in- 
tegrity of such an origin and impelled to emigra- 
tion by such principles, the foundations of the edi- 
fice were laid deep and solid, its superstructure 
substantially built. Led to expatriation from the 
affections and endearments of their native land by 
their love of liberty and piety to heaven, they came 
to these wilds to rear a home for themselves and 
their posterity. Uncorrupted by the delicacies of 
older societies, remote from the festering influence 
of cities, compelled to face the dangers and toils of 
a new country, felling forests where civilized man 
had not yet mingled his discordant voice with the 
harmonies in which virginal nature was adoring 
the Lord, subjecting the untamed soil to agricul- 
ture, thev acquired a sense of personal dignity and 
an impatience of other than domestic control. 
Thus nurtured they offered at the altar of liberty 
their richest oblations. Luxury, wealth, and th© 
refinements of older civilizations enervate ; poverty 
and the struggles for existence in a new country 
ennoble. In the goblet of gold Thyestes drinks the 
blood of his son ; from the cup of earth Fabricius 
pours his libation to the gods. 

Not only the several causes of their migration 
liither and the early struggles for existence after 
their settlement, but other influences were di- 
rectly instrumental in building up the colonists to 



296 



the stature of perfect men. Their long contest 
with the crown for the rights and liberties of Eng- 
lishmen had made them jealous of even apparent 
encroachments. Their frequent and successful 
wars with the Indians and French, the burden of 
which in toil and sacrifice they and not England 
had borne, led them more highly to estimate their 
strength and appreciate their resources. Notwith- 
standing the loss of many thousands of their best 
citizens and a debt of many millions in these wars, 
wealth and population rapidly increased. Sturdy 
immigrants poured in from the Old World, pene- 
trated the forests even beyond the Alleghenies and 
into the valley of the Ohio ; settlements sprang up 
everywhere ; cities grew into importance ; external 
danger welded them together; everything betokened 
and the colonists hoped for a prosperous future. 
They now saw the day near at hand when they 
were to enjoy the fruits of their toil, struggles and 
sufferings. The French had been driven beyond 
the Mississippi, the savages had been subdued, the 
wounds of many conflicts were healing, prosperity 
and happiness were everywhere apparent, when lo !' 
England, true to her ancient role, entered the lists 
as the oppressor ; the mother became the persecu- 
tress of the daughters. As oppression had been 
the initial cause of building up this portion of the 
British Empire, so now oppression was to be the 
cause of its severance from that Empire. The 
children were not less opposed to tyranny than the 
fathers had been. They fled from it to rear their 
homes in the wilderness ; these would not fly but 
defend. 

And from their heroic struggles and sacrifices 
the Fourth of July became a great historic fact and 
the union of these States then first proclaimed a 
puissant nation. 

And it is just here, when the attempt was 



297 



made to nullify what the fathers had achieved, and 
to destroy what this day represents that the sons 
brought in their contribution to our history and 
placed another holiday in our calendar. For we 
had been taught to believe, and that belief had 
crystallized into faith, that the perpetuity of our 
government, the benignity of our institutions, all 
that we hold dear as citizens, all that as a people 
we have been or hope to be, depended upon and 
were limited to the maintenance of the Union, one 
and undivided. Inspired by this faith all the strug- 
gles, the battles, the sufferings, the death devoted 
to its preservation, were unclouded by despair for 
the Republic, or a doubt of the result. What if 
there was within our bounds an institution older 
than the Republic, whose tendrils had wound 
through and around the body politic so closely, so 
completely, that nothing less than the convulsions 
of war could tear them away ; what though like 
their religion whether true or false men fought for 
it, died for it, who could doubt on which side were 
justice and right, or hesitate as to his duty \ It was 
the old struggle between light and darkness, be- 
tween justice and injustice ; the old struggle be- 
tween freedom and oppression, between the patient 
.subject and his tyrannical master, between 

"Right forever on the scaffold, 
Wrong forever on the throne." 

But in all such contests, sooner or later, the 
right must win. Wrong plans and forces the bat- 
tle, right marches to victory. So it is ordained in 
the code of the Everlasting. Trample upon it, 
crush it to the earth, overwhelm it with fire and 
sword, crucify its Lord, what matters all this, it 
will yet triumph ; 



298 

For behind the dim unknown 
Standeth God within the shadow, 
Keeping watch above his own. 

So it triumphed here. Realizing in fact what the 
fathers placed in the preamble to the Constitution, 
the union was more perfectly formed, justice was es- 
tablished, domestic tranquility insured, the general 
welfare promoted, the blessings of liberty secured 
to ourselves and our posterity, our national character 
broadened, popular government proved to be the 
strongest government on earth, so long as it rests 
in the hearts of the people. And when the smoke 
of battle had lifted and the sun of liberty full risen 
out of the gloom, and gentle peace had come and 
come to stay ; there, emblem of a union never to 
be broken, brighter and dearer and stronger for the 
storms that had beaten upon it and the dangers it 
had passed, floated the old flag under which our 
fathers had fought and made this day glorious, not 
a star beclouded, not a color bedimmed ; 

With its red for the patriot's blood, 
And its white for the martyr's crown ; 
Its blue for the dew and the rime, 
When the morning of God comes down. 

Thus far I have spoken only in justification of 
such days and such celebration, as this. You see 
how appropriate, even necessary they are. They 
teach salutary lessons. I need not in this presence 
indulge in fulsome praise of what has been accom- 
plished under the benign government set up by our 
fathers and preserved by their sons. The facts 
speak for themselves more eloquently. But while 
we may not on the one hand be inclined to self- 
congratulation, nor on the other to criticism, may 



299 



we not with propriety consider a few facts which 
will not be out of place on this occasion. 

You have just heard read the great Declaration 
wherein it is claimed that governments derive their 
just powers from the consent of the governed. If 
this be true as a general proposition, and in that 
paper it is held to be a self-evident truth, then we 
have a right to insist as consequent truths : 

I. That the consent of the governed should be 
an intelligent consent. 

The time has gone by when Jack Cade's indict- 
ment of Lord Say would be considered good plead- 
ing or sufficient cause for arraignment in a court of 
justice: "Thou hast most traitorously corrupted 
the youth of the realm in erecting a grammar 
school ; and whereas, before our forefathers had no 
other books but the score and the tally, thou hast 
caused printing to be used ; and, contrary to the 
king, his crown and dignity, thou hast built a paper 
mill. It will be proved to thy face that thou hast 
men about thee that usually talk of a noun and a 
verb, and such abominable words as no Christian 
ear can endure to hear." 

To instruct the people in the rights and duties 
of citizenship schools are established and property 
laid under tribute for their maintenance. It is bet- 
ter for the general welfare and more economical to 
the taxpayers that people should be taught to be 
good, virtuous and industrious citizens than to 
punish them for violation of law. We cannot make 
men as they should be ; we must bear with them 
as they are, and make the best of them we can. 
But Plato proclaimed perfect happiness to people 
and states when they have philosophers for then- 
kings, or their kings are philosophers. While it 
may be truthfully admitted that all cannot be 
learned men, yet it will not be denied that, other 
things being equal, the intelligent man is a better 



300 



citizen than the ignorant. Knowing his rights and 
looking to the law to protect him in them, he must 
be presumed to know where his own rights end and 
the rights of others begin. The Republic cannot af 
ford to trust its future to ignorance. For with ignor- 
ance ordinarily come immorality, hostility to law, 
to property, to everything higher and better than 
itself. The ignorant man is told of the equal rights 
of citizens. He looks around to see if this is true 
in the light he understands it. What he sees he 
cannot harmonize with the doctrine. The rich 
man rolls by in his chariot, while he trudges 
to his daily toil. The one lives in his palace, the- . 
other in his garret. The wife of one fares sumptu- 
ously, the wife of the other toils for bread to still 
the cries of her hungry little ones. The one adds 
farm after farm to his broad domains, the real es- 
tate of the other consists of an expectancy in 
Potters' Field. It requires more philosophy than 
he possesses to convince him there is not gross in- 
equality in this condition. Here we have an easy 
convert to the equality of anarchy, a state of so- 
ciety wherein is no law and individuals do what 
they please with impunity. 

Tell him this is a land of liberty, he imme- 
diately thinks of liberty without restraint of law. 
He cannot understand how that can be liberty 
which is within restraint, or how a man can be 
free who is not in possession of all his natural 
rights. To him licentiousness means liberty — 
licentia quam stulti libertatem vocant — and any- 
thing short of that is oppression. Hence the State 
should see to it that every citizen is taught to 
reverence the law, and to regard it as the only pro- 
tection of his right to life, liberty and property ; 
taught to embrace and comprehend in all its length 
and breadth the principle of equal rights within 
the law ; taught to understand the duty he owes to-' 



301 



<every other citizen and to the Republic. He who 
says education on these lines says government ; to 
teach is to reign. 

II. The consent of the governed should be an 
honest consent. 

By this I mean it should be given, as the duty 
of a grand juror is to be performed, without " fear, 
favor or affection, reward, gain, or the hope there- 
of." I do not refer to the consent given in the for- 
mation of the government, but to that which is 
now given for its maintenance, and I refer particu- 
larly to voting at elections. 

The vote that is cast affects more than the one 
who casts it. If it affected only himself, he might 
make merchandise of it if he saw fit. But he being 
only one of the whole body politic, every other 
citizen is affected equally with himself. No hon- 
orable man would injure his neighbor that he 
might derive an advantage from the injury. But 
says the man who traffics away his vote, is not the 
vote mine ? Am I not free to give it to whom I 
will ? And from what motive I will ? No, a 
thousand times no. The vote is not yours in the 
light of property. And you have no right to barter 
it away or sell it for gold. It belongs to your 
country. By the law you are intrusted with a dis- 
cretion to use it in a way which your conscience 
and judgment dictate will be best for the general 
good, but not for private gain. Every man in the 
State has as much interest in that vote as you 
have. It belongs to them as well as to you, and 
they have a right to demand that it shall be cast 
for a proper purpose and from proper motives. 
When cast from any other motive than the general 
good, the spirit of our institutions is outraged, and 
so far as the one who casts it is concerned, the Re- 
public is not worth preserving for an hour. If one 
man has a right to make merchandise of his vote 



302 



then every other man has. What is the logical con- 
sequence ? — the man who can afford to buy the most 
votes is King, and monarchy rises upon the ruins of 
the Republic. No, the citizen is not free to aim such 
a fatal blow at the perpetuity of this government. 
Freedom is indeed a boon, but it is not a boon only. 
Connected with it is an exacting duty. Victor 
Hugo has eloquently said : "All that augments 
liberty augments responsibility. Nothing is more 
grave than to be free ; liberty weighs heavily, and 
all the chains that she takes from the body she 
binds upon the conscience." 

How can it be said that our government rests on 
the consent of the governed, if that consent is ex- 
changed for private gain ? How long can the gov- 
ernment exist if this corruption becomes general, 
or adopted by even a majority of the voters ? We 
may safely defy the world in arms, open foes in- 
ternal or external, but who without fear and trem- 
bling, can contemplate such corruption creeping 
into the elective franchise ? Public disorders, riots 
and insurrections naturally follow the debasing 
practice. Even good men may accustom themselves 
to contemplate with complacency the coming of 
some strong man, who shall take the reins of gov- 
ernment in his own hands and deliver them from 
the body of such a death. We are not without ex- 
ample. Plutarch says, "that in Rome, just before 
Caesar put his foot on her liberties, all ranks of men 
were so corrupted that tables were publicly set out, 
upon which the candidates for offices were professed- 
ly ready to pay the people the price of their votes ; 
and the people came, not only to give their votes to 
the man who had bought them, but with all kinds 
of offensive weapons to fight in his behalf. In this 
dismal situation of things, in these storms of epi- 
demic madness, wise men thought it would be 
happy if they ended in nothing worse than mon- 



303 



archy. Nay, there were many who did not scruple 
openly to assert that monarchy was the only cure 
for the desperate disorders of the state." 

We have not reached that point yet, and I do 
not believe we ever shall, for I have an abiding 
faith in the good sense and sober judgment of the 
people, and however far they may drift from their 
true course, they will return in due time ; but is 
not the fact against which I animadvert notorious ? 

At the polls, how many of our citizens think it 
no discredit to demand at least the price of a day's 
work, if they can get no more, as a consideration 
for their vote ? I am sure you will unite with me 
in saying, when a voter shall so far forget what is 
due to his country as to sell his vote, or when a 
citizen shall become such a traitor as to buy a vote, 

" Be ready, gods, with all your thunderbolts ; 
Dash him to pieces ! " 

Plutarch says : "It was a shrewd saying, who- 
ever said it, that the man who first ruined the Ro- 
man people was he who first gave them treats and 
gratuities. But this mischief crept secretly and 
gradually in and did not openly make its appear- 
ance in Rome for a considerable time." 

III. The consent of the governed should be a 
free consent. 

By this I mean that no citizen can be justified 
in yielding a blind obedience to the dictates of party. 
Political parties should be the means, not the end 
of government. While they are a necessity, they 
are also intolerant of individual opinion and tyran- 
nical in punishment. Like all other political organi- 
zations their tendency is towards centralization, 
until finally all power is monopolized by one or a 
few. However good may be the intentions of the 
leader, it has been in rare instances only that 



304 



one has arisen great enough to compel his party to 
give the people "bread unleavened with injustice." 
As a rule if he differs from his party on any meas- 
ure, however right he may be, he is forthwith 
branded as a traitor and politically gibbeted as a 
warning to all advanced or independent thought. 

The better and more intelligent the members 
of the party, the more impatient it is of independ- 
ent leadership. Hence those who have been or are 
successful in guiding their party by their worth 
and ability are few in number. The man who is 
known as "boss " is more successful in his methods. 
He does not pretend to lead. He drives, and he 
holds his party in line with the snaffle. They may 
now and then prance and caper and snort and kick 
over the traces, but a judicious tightening of the 
reins and a crack or two of the whip well applied 
soon bring submission and steady work. He shapes 
his party's destiny, proclaims its creed, maps out its 
policy, and uses it as an instrument to advance the 
political fortunes of himself and friends or secure 
the downfall of political enemies. Every man who 
bows the knee to the boss is the friend to secure 
the "thrift that follows fawning ;" and every man 
who dares to stand upright and claim his equality 
and independence is the enemy to be punished. 

If these bosses were always pure, patriotic, 
self-denying men, ambitious only to serve their 
country in its highest and best interests, the objec- 
tion to their rule might not be urged so forcibly . 
But they are not always such men. Sometimes at 
least, they are selfish, corrupt, ambitious to serve 
themselves at the expense of their country. Why 
should such men be permitted to shape the course of 
a party^ and through it the destinies of the country ? 
Is it not time for the people to assert their rights 
and criticize the creed which these self-appointed 
leaders, through resolutions and platforms, make 



305 



for the party ? Is it not also a duty they owe to 
their own marihood, and to their country, to criti- 
cise the qualifications of candidates in whose nomi- 
nation they have so little to say, and if they find 
them unfit, unreliable or dangerous, to vote against 
them. By what other course are we to preserve 
our institutions when placed in jeopardy ? To 
nominate a man for office only because he has been 
a good party man, worked and schemed for party 
success, is an insult to men of intelligence. It 
marks a low appreciation of our duty to our 
country. 

True, in the present party discipline, the un- 
pardonable sin is to disclaim a nomination no mat- 
ter how unfit, or by what means obtained. Against 
such domination it is manly to be men. You are 
as good and free as these demagogues who as- 
sume to dictate. Tell them that you make officials 
in this country. They depend on you, not you 
upon them. It is time to act upon this principle ; 
love of party should always be subordinate to love 
of country ; and if unfit men are nominated for 
office, such action is not binding. All parties pro- 
fess to be, and should act as if they were organized 
to subserve the best interests of the country. If 
this great central fact is forgotten or neglected, 
teach them by salutary defeat at the polls that the 
only solid basis on which parties can exist in a free 
country without danger to its institutions, is an 
unselfish devotion to the greatest good of the whole 
people. If they will build on any other founda- 
tion, then down with parties, and away with their 
creeds, if only by so doing the Republic may live. 

Men and fellow citizens : To you I appeal in 
behalf of the institutions founded by our fathers ; 
is it not time to cry a halt ? The way to destruc- 
tion is easy. Against the inroads of some social 
and political wrongs the laws, now and then, seem 



306 

to be powerless. Public opinion, which is the life 
of law, sometimes becomes weak and indiffer- 
ent. But with you remains an effe ctive weapon. 
At the man who buys, sells, corrupts or nullifies a 
vote, point the finger of scorn, that his name may 
become a hissing and a by- word. Against him who 
knowingly profits by such conduct let society close 
its doors and thus teach him that ' ' dishonesty 
wins not more than honesty." Let us go back to 
the principles of the earlier days, when manhood 
and not Mammon ruled the land. 

*Moribus antiquis res Romana virisque. 
To establish a government founded on the con- 
sent of the governed our fathers pledged their 
lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor. To 
defend it the soldier has braved the storm of battle. 
To maintain and give it yet grander proportions, 
the statesman toils in his cabinet, the scholar in 
his study, the orator on the platform, the judge on 
the bench, the clergyman in the pulpit. For it the 
christian prays in his closet, the honest man goes 
to the polls. All are equally worthy of the name 
of heroes for all are working to one end — the pre- 
servation of freedom, truth and justice, and the 
perpetuity of a government which conserves the 
equal rights of all and acknowledges its just powers 
to come from the consent of the governed. 

Here is a field for noble action, where as much 
good is to be wrought and as much glory to be won 
as on that other field where men become reapers in 
the harvest of death. 

Wherever a noble deed is done, 
'Tis the pulse of a hero's heart is stirred ; 

Wherever Eight has a triumph won, 
There are the heroes' voices heard. 



*It is by ancient manners, and by men who preserve the ancient 
spirit, that the Roman republic subsists. 



507 



Their armor rings on a fairer field 

Than the Greek and the Trojan fiercely trod ; 
For freedom's sword is the blade they wield, 

And the light above is the smile of God. 



PRESENTATION OF BADGE TO' 
THE PRESIDENT. 



October 3rd, 1893. 

At a meeting of the Board of Managers, held 
on the third day of October, 1893, after the trans- 
action of business, Gen. James F. Rusling arose 
and addressed the President in the following 
words : 

GEN. JAMES F. RUSLING. 

Mr. President : — There is a matter which the 
Board of Managers decided upon last June, in my 
absence, but which I am here, by special request, 
to introduce. I need not say that the business, 
though reserved to the close of the meeting, is ex- 
ceedingly agreeable to me, both officially and per- 
sonally. I have had a good many tasks to per- 
form, in my time, of various kinds, but few more 
pleasant than this. There are many disagreeable 
things in this life. Sometimes the sky is all som- 
bre and we hardly know where to look for comfort 
or cheer ; but I think there is more of the agreea- 
ble than the disagreeable in human life, after all. 
For, God Almighty is Father of us all, and evident- 
ly intends good to every human creature, and, 
hence, we should rejoice and take courage, even in 
the darkest hour. This is an agreeable — nay, a 



310 



joyous — occasion, not only for you, sir, I trust, but 
for all of us i and the memory of it will linger in 
our minds for years to come. As a Board of Man- 
agers, we believe in gratitude. We hold gratitude, 
indeed, to be one of the divine virtues. Shakes- 
peare, you know, denounces ingratitude as " sharp- 
er than a serpent's tooth," and we concur with that 
great master mind of the race. If there be a 
meaner or more despicable thing in this world, than 
ingratitude, I confess I don't know what it is. I 
do not think a man is worthy of consideration who 
will accept a kindness, or a service, or a courtesy, 
and not stand ready to reciprocate it when the time 
arrives. The law recognizes this in the ancient 
phrase quid pro quo, and what is the Golden Rule, 
Sl Do as you would be done by," but a homely enun- 
ciation of the same sound doctrine ? And so our 
Board of Managers, reflecting on your long and 
valuable services to this Society (I don't know who 
could have served us so well, or half so well), have 
unanimously agreed that the time has arrived to 
show some return to you. We didn't know ex- 
actly what to do. Of course, we knew we could 
not do anything commensurate with your deserts. 
But we concluded to present you with this hand- 
some gold badge of the Society of the Sons of the 
American Revolution, as some slight token of our 
honor and gratitude — nay, affectionate gratitude — 
for all you have been and done for us and our be- 
loved Society ; and I now beg to hand you the 
same in the name of the Society . 

It is not much per se. It has little intrinsic 
value. It is only a bit of ribbon, and a simple pin 
and badge. But it is like the little bronze Grand 
Army button, that every old soldier now wears, 
which costs but a few cents, but not an Astor, nor 
a Vanderbilt, nor a Gould can wear it. So our 
badge means something. It stands for high aims 



311 



and noble ideas. It represents great men, and b rave 
deeds, and glorious memories. It recalls the Vic to- 
ria Cross and the Legion of Honor. And its st ir- 
ring motto, " Libertas et patria" — Liberty and 
Fatherland — how it thrills and inspires us ! What 
great and glorious memories it recalls ! As I gaze 
upon it, the past rises before me like a dream. I 
see Lexington, and Concord, and Bunker Hill — 

"Where once our embattled farmers stood, 
And fired the shot heard round the world." 

I see Trenton, and Princeton, and Yorktown. I 
behold the illustrious figure of George Washington, 
and his worthy comrades, Greene, and Lafayette, 
and Knox, and Sullivan, and Steuben, and your 
own distinguished ancestors. And then our coun- 
try — this great American Republic — looms up, as 
the final result and net product of all their toils 
and trials and sacrifices, and stands to-day all hon- 
orable and glorious, one and indivisible from sea to 
sea, the pride of mankind and the joy of the whole 
earth, and so may she stand forever! 

This little badge means all this, and much 
more. It means that your ancestors were a part 
and parcel of the long and bloody war, that led to 
such achievements, and that you, yourself, by a 
life of rectitude and honor, and distinguished pub- 
lic service, have proven yourself worthy of such an 
ancestry. As Socrates well said to a boastful 
young Athenian, "It matters not, my lad, what 
your father was, but whether you yourself are 
worthy of such a father." And so, John White- 
head, (pardon me for saying in your presence), by 
the common consent of Jerseymen, has proven 
himself well worthy of his Revolutionary sires, and 
may God bless, and speed, and prosper you, sir, 
and spare you to this Society, and to your family 



312 



and friends, for long years to come ! As for this 
badge, we know you will wear it well and worthily, 
and may it prove to you a talisman and a spur 
while life endures ! 

To which the President responded as follows : 

HON. JOHN WHITEHEAD. 

Gen. Rusling, and Compatriots : — I can not 
plead ignorance of your intention to have given me 
this mark of your esteem, but I can truthfully say 
I am entirely unprepared for the kind and gracious 
words with which our distinguished fellow-member 
has accompanied your gift. I am overwhelmed 
with the idea that you think so highly of my ef- 
forts in behalf of the Society we represent. I am 
more than delighted to know that those efforts 
have been appreciated by you, who have so mate- 
rially aided in furthering the best interests of our 
association, and who are better acquainted than 
any others can possibly be, with just exactly what 
has been accomplished. 

It has seemed to me that the peculiar exigency 
in which our Society has been placed during the 
past year, has demanded extraordinary efforts 
from those who have had charge of its interests. 
Our members have been enthusiastically in favor 
of a union between the two Societies which seemed 
rivals of each other. No one strove more earnestly 
than yourself, General Rusling, to accomplish that 
end, which seemed so desirable. When that failed, 
not from any want of effort of our Society, or its 
representatives, for each and all of them labored 
honestly and sincerely to accomplish it, it seemed 
that there was nothing left for us to do but to bend 
every effort, and use every honorable means, to in- 
crease our membership and widen and strengthen 
our means of usefulness in the several directions 
pointed out by our organic law. 



313 



Besides all that, New Jersey was the pivotal 
State upon which depended the result of the great 
struggle for independence. It has been well term- 
ed, " the battle ground of the Revolution." With- 
in its borders that great event, which proved the 
turning point in the mighty battle for Freedom, 
and which we celebrate by our annual meeting, 
took place. We all love and revere our little State. 
Her past history is full of honor. We need never 
fear to refer to the bright pages which record the 
many deeds of heroism which those, through whom 
we claim the right to become members of the New 
Jersey Society of the Sons of the American Revo- 
lution, accomplished. Their memory shall never 
be lost while that Society has an existence. 

So it seemed to me that no higher, holier, mis- 
sion could employ my mind and heart, than acting, 
working, planning for the best interests of the So- 
ciety. 

The labor which I have bestowed in that direc- 
tion, has been one of love. I will be impelled by this 
mark of your appreciation for my efforts, to re- 
newed diligence, to more earnest work, to more 
complete devotion. 

I accept your beautiful gift with profound 
gratitude,, and when I wear it I will never cease to 
remember you, my friends and co-laborers in so 
glorious a cause. 



LIST OF MEMBERS. 



Name and Address. Date of Admission. No. 
Allen, Lyman Whitney, Newark, 276. 

Nov. 21, 1893. 
Great-great-great-grandson of Anthony Thorn- 
ton, Member of the Caroline County, Vir- 
ginia, Committee of Safety 1774-5. Colo- 
nel of Caroline County Regiment of Minute 
Men, Virginia Militia. Took part with the 
Continental Troops in the siege of York- 
town. 
Also, great-great-grandson of Anthony Thorn- 
ton, Jr., Colonel of Caroline County, Vir- 
ginia, in 1781. 
Ancestors : Anthony Thornton, and Anthony 
Thornton, Jr. 

Arnold, Isaac Gaston, Morristown, 97. 

Feb. 8th, 1890. 
Grandson of Jacob Arnold, Captain of Eastern 
Battalion, Morris County, N. J. Militia ; 
also, Captain of Troop of Light Horse, Mor- 
ris County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Captain Jacob Arnold. 

Arnold, Jacob Ogden, Morristown, 96. 

Feb. Sth, 1890. 
Grandson of Jacob Arnold, Captain of Eastern 
Battalion, Morris County, N. J. Militia ; 



316 



also, Captain of Troop of Light Horse, Mor- 
ris County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Captain Jacob Arnold. 

Atterbury, Lewis Boudinot, New York City, 98. 
Feb. 8th, 1890. 
Great-grandson of Elisha Boudinot, Secretary 
of the Council of Safety, 1777 ; also, of 
Committee of Correspondence of Essex 
County, N. J. 
Ancestor : Elisha Boudinot. 

Axtell, Charles F., Morristown, 117. 

May 23rd, 1S90. 

Great-grandson of Henry Axtell, Major of 
Eastern Battalion Morris County, N. J. 
Militia ; also, Major of Col. Ford's Battal- 
ion of N. J. State troops. 

Also, great-grandson of John Enslee, (or Ens- 
ley) Private in Morris County, N. J. Mili- 
tia. 

Ancestors : Major Henry Axtell and John 
Enslee. 

Ayres, Sylvanus, Jr., Bound Brook, 266. 

Oct. 3rd, 1893. 
Great-great-grandson of Hendrick Fisher, Presi- 
dent of the Provincial Congress of N. J. in 
1775, and Chairman of the Somerset Coun- 
ty Committee of Correspondence and 
Chairman of the Committee of Safety. 
Ancestor : Hendrick Fisher. 

Babbitt, Daniel Craig, Morristown, 260. 

May 20, 1893. 
Great-grandson of Joseph Sutton, Sergeant in 
Captain Eobert Nixon's Troop of Light 
Horse, Middlesex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Joseph Sutton. 



31' 



Babbitt, Robert O., Mendham, 142. 

Nov. 17th, 1890. 
Great-grandson of Stephen Babbitt, Private 

in Morris County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Stephen Babbitt. 

Baker, Charles Ward, Newark, 219. 

Sept. 20th, 1892. 
Great-grandson of Daniel Baker, Corporal of 
Captain Andrew McMires's Company, First 
Battalion, First Establishment Continental 
Line ; also, Ensign of Captain John Scud- 
der's Company, First Regiment Essex 
County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Daniel Baker. 

Baker, Cyrus D., Newark, 253. 

March 20th, 1893. 
Grandson of Daniel Baker, Corporal of Captain 
Andrew McMires's Company, First Battal- 
ion, First Establishment Continental Line ; 
also, Ensign of Captain John Scudder's 
Company, First Regiment Essex County, 
N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Daniel Baker. 

Baker, Cyrus Osborne, Jr., New York City, 217. 
Sept. 20th, 1892. 
Great-grandson of Daniel Baker, Corporal of 
Captain Andrew McMires's Company, First 
Battalion, First Establishment Continental 
Line ; also, Ensign of Captain John Scud- 
der's Company, First Regiment Essex 
County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Daniel Baker. 

Baker, Elihu B., Newark, 261. 

June 27th, 1893. 
Grandson of Daniel Baker, Corporal of Captain 
Andrew McMires's Company, First Battal- 



318 



ion, First Establishment Continental Line; 
also Ensign of Captain John Scudder's 
Company, First Regiment Essex County, 
N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Daniel Baker. 

Baker, Daniel William, Newark. 189. 

July 25th, 1891. 
Grandson of Daniel Baker, Corporal of Captain 
Andrew McMires's Company, First Battal- 
ion, First Establishment Continental Line; 
also, Ensign of Captain John Scudder's 
Company, First Regiment Essex County, 
N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Daniel Baker. 

Baker, Daniel William, Jr., Newark, 218. 

Sept. 20th, 1892. 
Great great-grandson of Daniel Baker, Corpo- 
ral of Captain Andrew McMires's Compa- 
ny, First Battalion, First Establishment 
Continental Line ; also, Ensign of Captain 
John Scudder's Company, First Regiment 
Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Daniel Baker. 

Baldwin, Albert, Morristown, 257. 

April 24th, 1893. 
Great-grandson of Caleb Baldwin, Private in 
Captain Abraham Lyon's Company, Sec- 
ond Regiment Essex County, N. J. Mili- 
tia ; also, Private in Captain Elijah Squier's 
Company, Second Regiment Essex County, 
N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Caleb Baldwin. 

Baldwin, Albert Henry, Newark, 190. 

Sept. 9th, 1891. 
Great-grandson of Nathan Beers, Private in 
Captain Benedict Arnold's Second Compa- 



319 

ny Governor's Foot Guard, Connecticut Mi- 
litia ; also, Lieut, and Paymaster in Col. 
Samuel B. Webb's Regiment, Conn. Con- 
tineDtal Line ; also, Paymaster Third Reg- 
iment Conn. Continental Line. Breveted 
Captain after the War. 
Ancestors : Captain Nathan Beers and Caleb 
Baldwin. 

Baldwin, Marcus W., Newark, 199. 

Nov. 24th, 1891. 
Great-grandson of Ezra Chapman, Ensign in 
Baldwin's Regiment of Artificers, Conti- 
nental Army. 
Also, great-grandson of John N. Baldwin, Pri- 
vate in Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestors : Ezra Chapman and JohnN. Bald- 
win. 
Ball, Dayton, Philadelphia, Pa., 263. 

Oct. 3rd, 1893. 
Great-great-grandson of Aaron Hatfield, Pri- 
vate in Essex County, N. J. Militia. He 
was in command of one of the small ves- 
sels that took part in the capture of the 
British ship, "Blue Mountain Valley," 
Jan, 22, 17T6. 
Ancestor : Aaron Hatfield. 

Ball, George Washington, ??• 

"Oakenden," Fauquier County, Va., 
Nov. 23rd, 1889. 
Grandson of Burgess Ball, Lieut. Col. of 1st Vir- 
ginia Continental Line. Nearest blood rela- 
tion of George Washington living to-day. 
Transferred to District of Columbia. 
Ancestor : Burgess Ball. 
Barber, William Provost, Elizabeth, 272. 

Nov. 21st, 1893. 



320 



Great-grandson of Francis Barber, Major of 3d 
Battalion, First Establishment, N. J. Con- 
tinental Line ; Lieut. Col. of 3d Regiment, 
and afterward Lieut. Col. Commandant of 
said Regiment, in the N. J. Continental 
Line ; Sub Inspector General, Staff of Ma- 
jor Gen. Steuben ; Adjutant Gen. on Staff 
of Major Gen. Lord Sterling ; Adjutant 
Gen. on Staff of Major Gen. Sullivan ; Dep- 
uty Adjutant Gen. on Staff of Major Gen. 
Greene ; severely wounded at the battle of 
Monmouth ; wounded at the battle of New- 
town, and again at the siege of Yorktown ; 
killed by a falling tree in camp at New 
Windsor, New York, Feb. 11, 1783. 

Ancestor : Lieut. Col. Francis Barber. 

Bedle, John Vought, Freehold, 51. 

Oct. 1st, 1SS9. 

Great-great-grandson of John Craig, 1st Lieut, 
of Captain Elisha Walton's Company, 1st 
Regiment, Monmouth County, N. J. Mili- 
tia. 

Also, great-great-grandson of Joseph Dorset, 
Private in Captain Samuel Dennis's Com- 
pany, 1st Regiment, Monmouth County, N. 
J. Militia. 

Ancestors : John Craig and Joseph Dorset. 

Beebe, Dillon, Newark, 240. 

Dec. 26th, 1892. 
Great-grandson of Martin Beebe, Major of Col. 
William Bradford Whiting's 17th Regi- 
ment, New York State Troops. 
Ancestor : Major Martin Beebe. 

Belden, Bauman L., Elizabeth, 135. 

Aug. 5th, 1890. 
Great-great-grandson of Sebastian Bauman, 



321 



Major of Artillery, Continental Army. 
Ancestor : Major Sebastian Bauman. 

Benjamin, Dowling, Camden, 256. 

April 24th, 1893. 
Great-grandson of Joseph Benjamin, Private 
in Captain Henry Lee's Troop of Col. The- 
odorick Bland's First Kegiment of Light 
Dragoons, transferred as Private to Cap- 
tain Peyton's Troop, same Regiment. 
Ancestor : Joseph Benjamin. 

Besson, John C, Hoboken, 132. 

Aug. 5th, 1890. 
Great-grandson of John Besson, Ensign of 
Hunterdon County Militia ; also, Ensign 
of N. J. State Troops. 
Ancestor : John Besson. 

Bigelow, Samuel F., Newark, 7. 

April 20th, 1889. 
Grandson of Timothy Bigelow, a soldier in the 

Revolutionary War. 
Also, great grandson of Mark Thomson, a Gen- 
eral of N. J. Troops in that War. 
Ancestors : Timothy Bigelow and Gen. Mark 
Thomson. 

Binney, William Greene, Burlington, 213. 

Sept. 20th, 1892. 
Great-grandson of Amos Binney, Private in In- 
dependent Company of Hull, Mass. Mili- 
tia ; taken prisoner by the British at Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 
Ancestor : Amos Binney. 

Boggs, John Lawrence, Jr., Newark, 4. 

April 20th, 1S89. 
Great-grandson of William Paterson, Delegate 
and afterward Secretary of the First Pro- 



322 

vincial Congress of N. J. ; also, Attorney 
Gen. of N. J. in 1783. 
Ancestor : William Paterson. 

Bray, Andrew W., Newark, 209. 

March 30th, 1892. 

Great-grandson of Andrew Bray, Private in 
Capt. Richard Still well's Company, 4th 
Regiment, Hunterdon County, N. J. Mili- 
tia ; also, Private in Capt. Henry Luce's 
Company, Second Battalion, Second Es- 
tablishment, N. J. Continental Line ; also, 
Private in N. J. State Troops. 

Ancestor : Andrew Bray. » 

Bray, Samuel T., Newark, 120. 

May 23rd, 1890. 

Great-grandson of Andrew Bray 3 Private in 
Capt. Richard Stillwell's Company, 4th 
Regiment, Hunterdon County, N. J. Mili- 
tia ; also, Private in Capt. Henry Luce's 
Company, Second Battalion, Second Es- 
tablishment, N. J. Continental Line ; also, 
Private in N. J. State Troops. 

Ancestor : Andrew Bray. 

Brewster, Lewis Oakley, Elizabeth, 182. 

June 19th, 1891. 
Great-grandson of Thomas Grant, Commissary 
and Quartermaster of Col. Thomas Hart- 
ley's Pennsylvania State Regiment, Conti- 
nental Army. 
Ancestor : Thomas Grant. 

Brown, Alexander S., Elizabeth, 118. 

May 23rd, 1890. 
Great-grandson of Samuel Brown, Private in 
Capt. Eliphalet Bulkley's Company, Conn. 
Militia for the relief of Boston, in the Lex- 
ington alarm, April 17, 1775. 
Ancestor : Samuel Brown. 



323 



Brown, George Carlton, Elizabeth, 229. 

May 15th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Samuel Brown, Private in 
Capt. Eliphalet Bulkley's Company, Conn. 
Militia for the relief of Boston, in the Lex- 
ington alarm, April 17, 1775. 
Ancestor : Samuel Brown. 

Bryant, William Allen, Glen Ridge, 210. 

Sept. 20th, 1892. 

Great-grandson of Eoger Benjamin, Private in 
Captain Oliver Lyman's Company of Col. 
Dike's Regiment, Mass. Continental Line, 
in 1776 ; Fifer in Capt. Millen's Company, 
Col. Wesson's Regiment, Mass. Continen- 
tal Line ; Private in Capt. Hancock's Com- 
pany, Mass. State Troops, served until the 
end of the War. 

Ancestor : Roger Benjamin. 

Burnet, James Brown, M. D., Newark, 198. 

Nov. 24th, 1891. 
Grandson of Halsted Coe, Private in Essex 

County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Halsted Coe. 

Cannon, Henry Brevoort, Elizabeth, 99. 

Dec. 26th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Elias Brevoort, Quartermas- 
ter Major Goetschius's Battalion, N. J. 
State Troops. 
Ancestor : Major Elias Brevoort. 

Cannon, Henry Rutgers, Elizabeth, 33. 

May 15th, 1889. 
Grandson of Elias Brevoort, Quartermaster Ma- 
jor Goetschius's Battalion, N. J. State 
Troops. 
Ancestor : Major Elias Brevoort. 

Carter, Aaron, Jr., Orange, 73. 



324 



Nov. 9th, 1889. 
Grandson of Aaron Carter, Private in Morris 

County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor ; Aaron Carter. 

Chandler, Walter, Elizabeth, 159. 

April 3rd, 1891. 
Great-grandson of David D. Crane, Private in 

Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Also, great-great-grandson of David Crane, 

Private in Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestors : David D. Crane and David Crane. 

Chenoweth, George Durbin, Millville, 249. 

March 20th, 1893. 
Great-grandson of John Chenoweth, Sergeant 
in Capt. Richard Davis's Company, Mary- 
land Rifle Battalion Volunteers, Continen- 
tal Line. 
Ancestor : John Chenoweth. 

Chester, William Williams, Elizabeth, 160. 

April 3rd, 1891. 
Great-great-grandson of William Williams, Jr., 
Colonel of 12th Regiment, Conn. State Mi- 
litia ; signer of the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence from Connecticut. 
Ancestor, William Williams, Jr. 

Churchill, James Sherrill, Pineville, Ky., 235. 
Dec. 26th, 1892. 
Great-grandson of Hezekiah Huntington, Ma- 
jor of Col. Experience Storrs's Fifth Regi- 
ment, Conn. Militia, in 1777 ; Major of Col. 
Obadiah Johnson's Regiment, Conn. Mili- 
tia, in 1778 ; Major of Lieut. Col. Samuel 
Canfield's Regiment, Conn. Militia, in 1781. 
Ancestor : Major Hezekiah Huntington. 

Clark, Charles Sidney, Glen Ridge, 176. 

June 19th, 1891. 



325 

Great-great-grandson of John Westervelt, Pri- 
vate in Capt. James Christie's Company, 
Col. Theunis Dey 's Regiment, Bergen Coun- 
ty, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-great-great-grandson of Johannes 
Westervelt, Private in Capt. James Chris- 
tie's Company, Col. Theunis Dey's Regi- 
ment, Bergen County, N. J. Militia. 

Ancestors : John Westervelt and Johannes 
Westervelt. 

Class, Franklin Northrup, Montclair, 179. 

June 19th, 1891. 
Great-grandson of Frederick Class, Private in 

Morris County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Frederick Class. 

Coe, Benjamin J., Newark, 250. 

March 20th, 1893. 

Great-great-grandson of Joseph Davis, Private 
in Essex County, N. J. Militia ; also,Wag- 
onmaster. 

Also, great-great-grandson of Daniel Brown, 
2d Lieut, of Capt. Joseph Morris's Compa- 
ny, First Battalion, First Establishment, 
N. J. Continental Line. 

Ancestors : Joseph Davis and Daniel Brown. 

Coe, Ernest E., Newark. 103. 

March 1st, 1890. 

Great-grandson of Joseph Davis, Private in 
Essex County, N. J. Militia ; also, Wag- 
onmaster. 

Also, great-grandson of Daniel Brown, 2d Lieut, 
in Captain Joseph Morris's Company, First 
Battalion, First Establishment, N. J. Con- 
tinental Line. 

Ancestors : Joseph Davis and Daniel Brown. 

Coe, Theodore, Newark, 143. 



326 



Nov. 17th, 1890. 

Great-grandson of Joseph Davis, Private in Es- 
sex County, N. J. Militia ; also, Wagon- 
master. 

Ancestor : Joseph Davis. 

Cogill, Henry Whitfield, Trenton, 85. 

Dec. 26th, 1889. 
Great-great-grandson of John Cowgill, a Pri- 
vate in Captain Jacob Cooper's Company, 
Samuel Hayes's Battalion, N. J. State 
Troops. 
Ancestor : John Cowgill. 

Comstock, Anthony, Summit, 273. 

Nov. 21st, 1893. 
Great-grandson of Jonathan Clock, Private in 
Captain David Waterbury's Company of 
5th Regiment, Conn. Continental Line of 
1775 ; also, Private in Captain Albert Chap- 
man's Company of Col. Samuel Elmore's 
Regiment, Conn. Continental Line, in 
1776, and, as such, took part in the opera- 
tions on Lakes George and Champlain, in 
the Northern Department, under General 
Schuyler. 
Ancestor : Jonathan Clock. 

Condit, Aaron Peck, Madison, 93. 

Feb. 8th, 1890. 

Grandson of Samuel Condit, Private in Essex 
County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-grandson of Daniel Condit, Private 
in Captain Cornelius Williams's Company, 
2d Regiment, Essex County, N. J. Militia; 
also, Private in N. J. State Troops ; also, 
Private 1st Battalion, 2d Establishment, 
N. J. Continental Line. 

Ancestors : Samuel Condit and Daniel Condit. 



327 

Condit, Elias M., Orange, m - 

April 17th, 1890. 
Great-grandson of Aaron Kitchell, Commissary 
appointed by Washington at Morristown, 
New Jersey ; member of N. J. Legislative 
Assembly, 1781-'8.2 ; member of Morris 
County, N. J. Committee of Observation, 
Feb. 15, 1775. 
Ancestor : Aaron Kitchell. 

Condict, Henry Vail, Jersey City, 108. 

March 22nd, 1890. 
Great-grandson of Ebenezer Condict. Private, 

Morris County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Ebenezer Condict. 
Condict, Jonathan Dickinson, Madison, 109. 

April 17th, 1890. 
Great-grandson of Ebenezer Condict, Private, 

Morris County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Ebenezer Condict. 
Condict, Silas, Brooklyn, 119 - 

May 23rd 1890. 
Great-grandson of Ebenezer Condict, Private, 

Morris County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Ebenezer Condict. 

Condit, Willlajh Linus, Hoboken, 187. 

Aug. 5th, 1891. 
Great-grandson of David Condit, Lieutenant 
Colonel of 2nd Regiment, Essex County, 
N. J. Militia, 
Ancestor : Colonel David Condit. 
€onover, Frank Bruen, Freehold, 38. 

June 10th, 1889. 
Great-great-grandson of John Covenhoven, 
Colonel of Monmouth County, N. J. Mil- 

tia. 
Also, great-grandson of Thomas Henderson, 



328 



Lieut. Col. of Forman's Battalion, Heard's 
Brigade, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestors : Col. John Covenhoven and Col. 
Thomas Henderson. 

Conover, James Clarence, Freehold, 55. 

Oct. 1st, 1889. 
Great-great-grandson of John Covenhoven, 

Col. of Monmouth County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Col. John Covenhoven. 

Conover, Nathan J., Freehold, 50. 

Oct. 1st, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Lewis Covenhoven, Ser- 
geant in Light Horse of Monmouth Coun- 
ty, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Sergeant Lewis Covenhoven. 

Corbin, William Horace, Elizabeth, 184. 

Aug. 5th, 1891. 

Great-grandson of Peleg Corbin, Minute Man 
of Captain Benjamin Lyon's Company, 
Conn. Militia, in Lexington Alarm, 1775. 

Also, great-grandson of Ralph Smith, Minute 
Man, Conn. Militia, 1775 ; Private in Cap- 
tain Jonathan Johnson's Company, Brad- 
ley's Eegiment, Conn. Continental Line \ 
Private in Capt. Warner's Company, 7th 
Regiment, Conn. Line ; prisoner of war on 
prison-ship "Jersey." 

Ancestors : Peleg Corbin and Ralph Smith. 

Cothren, Charles, Red Bank, 148. 

Jan. 31st, 1891. 
Great-grandson of 2d Lieut. William Cochran, 
of Capt. Elisha Nye's Company, Mass. Mi- 
litia, for sea-coast defence. 
Ancestor : William Cochran. 

Coursen, William A., Jr., Morristown, 144. 

Nov. 17th, 1890. 



329 

Great-great grandson of Lieut. Col. Francis 
Barber, 3rd Regiment, N. J. Continental 
Line ; Sub-Inspector-General on Staff of 
Major Gen. the Baron Steuben ; Adjutant 
Gen. to Major Gen. Lord Sterling ; Adju- 
tant Gen. to Major Gen. Nathaniel Greene. 

Ancestor : Lieut. Col. Francis Barber. 

Cow art, Enoch L., Red Bank, 49. 

Oct. 1st, 1889. 

Great-grandson of John Craig, Private in Cap- 
tain WaddelPs Company, 1st Regiment, 
Monmouth County, N. J. Militia ; also, 
Paymaster of N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-grandson of Joseph Bowne, Corpo- 
ral in Capt. WaddelPs Company, 1st Regi- 
ment, Monmouth County, N. J. Militia. 

Ancestors : John Craig and Joseph Bowne. 

Cowart, Samuel Craig, Freehold, 44, 

Oct. 1st, 1889. 

Great-grandson of John Craig, Private in Cap- 
tain WaddelPs Company, 1st Regiment, 
Monmouth County, N. J. Militia ; Pay- 
master of N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-grandson of Joseph Bowne, Corpo- 
ral in Captain WaddelPs Company, 1st 
Regiment, Monmouth County, N. J. Mili- 
tia. 

Ancestors : John Craig and Joseph Bowne. 

Cowart, William Tennent, Freehold, 45. 

Oct. 1st, 1S89. 
Great-grandson of John Craig, Private in Cap- 
tain WaddelPs Company, First Regiment, 
Monmouth County, N. J. Militia ; Pay- 
master of N. J. Militia. 
Also, great-grandson of Joseph Bowne, Corpo- 
ral in Captain WaddelPs Company, First. 



330 



Regiment, Monmouth County, N. J. Mili- 
tia. 
Ancestors : John Craig and Joseph Bowne. 

Craig, William Drummond, Plainfield, 124. 

May 23rd, 1890. 
Great-grandson of John Craig, Private in Cap- 
tain WaddelPs Company, First Regiment, 
Monmouth County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : John Craig. 

Crane, Augustus S., Rah way, 162. 

April 3rd, 1891. 
Great-grandson of Nathaniel Crane, Private in 
Captain Christopher Marsh's Troop of 
Light Horse, Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Nathaniel Crane. 

Crane, Moses Miller, Union, Union Co., 163. 
April 3rd, 1891. 
Great-grandson of Nathaniel Crane, Private in 
Capt. Christopher Marsh's Troop of Light 
Horse, Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Also, great-great-grandson of Moses Miller, Pri- 
vate in Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestors : Nathaniel Crane and Moses Mil- 
ler. 

Crowell, John L., Rah way, 173. 

June 19th, 1891. 
Great-grandson of Christopher Marsh, Captain 
of Troop of Light Horse, Essex County, N. 
J. Militia, 
Ancestor : Capt. Christopher Marsh. 

Crowell, Joseph Edgar, Paterson, 64. 

Nov. 0th, 18S9. 

Great-grandson of Joseph Crowell, Private in 

Troop of Light Horse, Middlesex County, 

N. J. Militia ; also, Private in First Battal- 



331 



ion, Second Establishment, N. J. Continen- 
tal Line. 
Ancestor : Joseph Crowell. 

Crowell, Joseph Tucker, Eahway, 9. 

April 20th, 1889. 
Grandson of Joseph Crowell, Private in Troop 
of Light Horse, Middlesex County, N. J. 
Militia ; also, Private in First Battalion, 
Second Establishment, N. J. Continental 
Line. 
Ancestor : Joseph Crowell. 

Cutler, Hon. Augustus W., Morristown, 122. 
May 23rd, 1890. 
Great-grandson of Silas Condict, Member of 
the Continental Congress 1781-'81 ; Mem- 
ber of Council of Safety of N. J., 1776-'80. 
Ancestor : Silas Condict. 

Davis, Eugene Stillman, Trenton, 36. 

June 10th, 1889. 
Great-great-grandson of Barnabas Davis, killed 
at the battle of Lexington — shot through 
the head, and died three days afterward. 
Ancestor : Barnabas Davis. 

Day, Stephen Sylvester, Morristown, 269. 

Nov. 21st. 1893. 

Great-grandson of Daniel S. Wood, Captain of 
First Regiment, Essex County, N. J. Mili- 
tia. 

Also, great-grandson of Jonathan Mulford, Pri- 
vate of Third Battalion, Gloucester Coun- 
ty, N. J. Militia, and Private in Col. Rich- 
ard Somers's Battalion, N. J. State Troops. 

Ancestors : Capt. Daniel S. Wood and Jona- 
than Mulford. 

Day, Wilbur Fisk, Morristown, 270. 



332 



Nov. 21st, 1893. 

Great-grandson of Daniel S. Wood, Captain of 
First Regiment, Essex County, N. J. Mili- 
tia. 

Also, great-grandson of Jonathan Mulford, Pri- 
vate of Third Battalion, Gloucester Coun- 
ty, N. J. Militia, and Private in Col. Rich- 
ard Somers's Battalion, N. J. State Troops. 

Ancestors : Capt. Daniel S. Wood and Jona- 
than Mulford. 

Deats, Hiram Edmund, Flemington, 194. 

Nov. 24th, 1891. 
Great-grandson of Elisha Barton, Captain in 
Eastern Battalion, Morris County, N. J. 
Militia. 
Ancestor : Capt. Elisha Barton. 

Dennis, Warren E., New York City, 204. 

Jan. 9th, 1892. 
Great-great-grandson of Ezekiel Baldwin, Pri- 
vate in Capt Andrew McMires's Company, 
First Battalion, Second Establishment, N. 
J. Continental Line. 
Ancestor : Ezekiel Baldwin. 

Derr, Andrew F., Wilkes Barre, Pa., 121. 

May 23rd, 1890. 

Great-grandson of Andrew Mellick, Captain of 
First Regiment, Sussex County, N. J. Mi- 
litia. 

Also, great-grandson of Jacob Derr, Private in 
Capt. Thomas Church's Fourth Battalion, 
Pennsylvania Continental Line. 

Ancestors : Capt. Andrew Mellick and Jacob 
Derr. 

Dickinson, Asa Williams, Hackensack, 87. 

Dec. 20th, 1S89. 
Great-grandson of John Dickinson, Private in 



333 



Capt. Reuben Dickinson's Company, Mas- 
sachusetts State Troops. 

Also, Grandson of Asa Williams, Private in 
First Regiment, Conn. Continental Line, 
Josiah Starr commanding. 

Ancestors : John Dickinson and Asa Wil- 
liams. 

Disbrow, Rem. L., Toms River, 252. 

March 20th, 1893. 

Great-great-grandson of Robert Laird, Private 
in Lieut. Barnes Smock's Troop of Light 
Dragoons, Monmouth County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, Great-great-grandson of Moses Mount, 
Private in Capt. John Walton's Troop of 
Light Dragoons, Monmouth County, N. J. 
Militia. 

Ancestors : Robert Laird and Moses Mount. 

Dodd, Matthias M., East Orange, 126. 

Aug. 5th, 1S90. 
Grandson of Matthias Dodd, Private in Essex 

County, N. J. Militia. 
Also, grandson of Caleb Baldwin who had 
charge of taking prisoners to Morristown. 
Ancestors : Matthias Dodd and Caleb Bald- 
win. 

Doremus, Elias 0., East Orange, 275. 

Nov. 21st, 1893. 
Great-grandson of Zopher Baldwin, Private in 

Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Zopher Baldwin. 

Doty, E. Hammond, Jamesburg, 16. 

April 20th, 1889. 
Son of Isaac Doty, 2nd Lieut, of Col. McCrea's 

13th Regiment, New York levies. 
Also, grandson of Samuel Doty, Capt. Lieut, of 
Col. Lamb's 2nd Regiment of Artillery, 
Continental Army. 



334 



Also, Grandson of James Hammond, Lieut. 

Col. of 1st Regiment, Westchester County, 

New York Militia. 
Ancestors : Isaac Doty, Samuel Doty, and 

James Hammond. 

Downer, David Robertson, Elizabeth, 28. 

May 15th, 1889. 

Grandson of Samuel Downer 2nd, Private in 
1st Regiment, Middlesex County, N. J. Mi- 
litia ; also, in State Troops. 

Also, Great-grandson of Samuel Downer 1st, 
Private in Capt. Scudder's Company, 2nd 
Regiment, Essex County, N. J. Militia. 

Ancestors : Samuel Downer 1st, and Samuel 
Downer 2nd. 

Drake, Oliver, Newark, 211. 

Sept. 20th, 1892. 
Grandson of William Jones, Private in Capt. 
Isaac Morrison's Company, 1st Battalion, 
2nd Establishment, N. J. Continental Line ; 
also, Private in Capt. Aaron Ogden's Com- 
pany, 1st Regiment, N. J. Continental 
Line. 
Ancestor : William Jones. 

Edgar, Howard, Newark, 61. 

Oct. 1st, 1889. 
Great-grandson of James Edgar, Private in 

Middlesex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : James Edgar. 

Everitt, Edward Allen, Orange, 214. 

Sept. 20th, 1892. 
Great-grandson of Thomas Armstrong, Lieut, 
of Somerset County, N. J. Militia ; also, 
Wagonmaster in Wagonmaster General's 
department. 
Ancestor : Thomas Armstrong. 



335 

Eyerman, John, Oakhurst, Easton, Pa., 274. 

Nov. 21st, 1893. 
Great-great-great-grandson of Peter Kachlein, 
Member of Committee of Observation, 
Northampton County, Pa. ; Capt. of Easton 
Company, Northampton County Militia, 
in 1775 ; Lieut. Col. Northampton County 
Battalion, Pennsylvania Militia, in 1776. 
Also, great-great-grandson of Jacob Heller, 
Capt. of 2nd Battalion, Northampton Coun- 
ty, Pa. Militia. 
Ancestors : Peter Kachlein and Jacob Heller. 

Fairchild, Ezra, East Orange, 201. 

Nov. 24th, 1891. 

Great-great-grandson of Abner Fairchild, Capt. 
of Company in Eastern Battalion, Morris 
County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-grandson of Abraham Fairchild, 
Adjutant in Morris County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-grandson of Aaron Kitcheh\ Pri- 
vate in Morris County, N. J. Militia ; also, 
Commissary at Morristown, N. J., appoin- 
ted by Gen. Washington ; also, Member of 
Provincial Congress of New Jersey. 

Ancestors; Abner Fairchild, Abraham Fair- 
child and Aaron Kitchell. 

Fairchild, Henry Ennis, Orange, 78. 

Nov. 23rd, 1889. 

Great-great-great -grandson of Abner Fairchild, 
Capt. of Company in Eastern Battalion, 
Morris County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great great-grandson of Abraham Fair- 
child, Adjutant Morris County. N. J. Mili- 
tia. 

Also, great-great-grandson of Aaron Kitchell, 
Private in Morris County, N. J. Militia ; 
also, Commissary at Morristown, N. J., ap- 



336 



pointed by Gen. Washington ; also, Mem- 
ber of Provincial Congress of New Jersey. 
Ancestors : Abner Fairchild, Abraham Fair- 
child and Aaron Kitchell. 

Fairchild, Peter Beach, Orange, 15. 

April 20th, 1889. 

Great-great-grandson of Abner Fairchild, Capt. 
of Company in Eastern Battalion, Morris 
County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, Great-grandson of Abraham Fairchild, 
Adjutant Morris County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-grandson of Aaron Kitchell, Private 
in Morris County, N. J. Militia ; also, Com- 
missary, at Morristown, N. J., appointed 
by Gen. Washington ; also, Member of 
Provincial Congress of New Jersey. 

Ancestors : Abner Fairchild, Abraham Fair- 
child and Aaron Kitchell. 

Fort, John Franklin, East Orange, 236. 

Dec. 26th, 1892. 
Great-grandson of John Fort, Private in Bur- 
lington County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : John Fort. 

Fortiner, George R., M. D., Camden, 227. 

Dec. 13th, 1892. 

Great-grandson of Samuel Hillman, Private in 
Gloucester County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, Great-great-grandson of William Ellis, 
Major of Col. Silas Newcomb's Battalion, 
Heard's Brigade, at the Battle of Long 
Island ; Major of 2nd Battalion, Gloucester 
County, N. J. Militia ; Major of Col. Pot- 
ter's Battalion, N. J. State Troops. 

Ancestors : Samuel Hillman and William El- 
lis. 

Fortiner, Henry Samuel, Camden, 76. 

Nov. 23rd, 1889. 



337 



Great-great-grandson of Samuel Hillman, Pri- 
vate in Gloucester County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-great-great-grandson of William 
Ellis, Captain of Col. Newcomb's Bat- 
talion, Heard's Brigade, at the battle of 
Long Island ; Major of 2nd Battalion, Glou- 
cester County, N. J. Militia ; Major of Col. 
Potter's Battalion, N. J. State Troops. 

Ancestors : Samuel Hillman and William El- 
lis. 

Frelinghuysen, Frederick, Newark, 26. 

May 15th, 18S9. 
Great-grandson of Frederick Frelinghuysen, 
Capt. of Eastern Company of Artillery, N. 
J. State Troops ; also, Major of Col. Stew- 
art's Battalion of "Minute Men"; also, 
Col. of 1st Battalion, Somerset County, N. 
J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Frederick Frelinghuysen. 

Freeman, Henry Wade, South Orange, 174. 

June 19th, 1891. 
Great-great-grandson of Col. Nathaniel Free- 
man, Col. of 1st Regiment, Barnstable 
County, Mass. Militia. 
Ancestor : Col. Nathaniel Freeman. 

Freeman, Huntington Wolcott, Rocky Hill, 31. 
May 15th, 18S9. 
Grandson of Brig. Gen. Nathaniel Freeman, of 

Massachusetts Militia. 
Ancestor : Brig. Gen. Nathaniel Freeman. 

Gray, Joseph H., Elizabeth, 268. 

Nov. 21st, 1893. 
Grandson of Moses Gray, the 1st, Private in 
Captain Joel Fletcher's Company of Min- 
ute Men, in Col. Ephraim Doolittle's Regi- 
ment, Mass. Militia. 



338 

Ancestor : Moses Gray, the 1st. 

Green, Hon. Robert Stockton, Elizabeth, 6. 
April 20th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Jacob Green, Member of the 
Provincial Congress of New Jersey in 1776. 
Ancestor : Jacob Green. 

Green, Eufus Smith, D. D., Orange, 242. 

Jan. 30th, 1893. 

Great-grandson of Nehemiah Smith, Sr., Pri- 
vate in Capt. Eli Leavenworth's Company, 
7th Regiment, Conn. Continental Line ; 
also, Private in Capt. Edward Rogers's 
Company, 2nd Battalion, Conn. Brigade - r 
also, 1st Lieut, of Capt. Wm. Whitney's 
Company, Col. Samuel McLellan's Regi- 
ment, Conn. Militia. 

Also, grandson of Nehemiah Smith, Jr., 1st 
Lieut, of Capt. Jabez Wright, Jr's. Com- 
pany, 4th Battalion, Conn. State Troops. 

Ancestors : Nehemiah Smith, Sr. , and Nehe- 
miah Smith, Jr. 

Griffith, Foster Conarroe, Trenton, 81. 

Dec. 26th, 1889. 
Great-great-grandson of William Mecum, 1st 
Major of 1st Battalion, Salem County, N. 
J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Maj. William Mecum. 

Guerin, William Halsey, Newark, 237. 

Dec. 26th, 1892. 
Great-grandson of Vincent Guerin, Sergeant 
Eastern Battalion, Morris County, N. J. 
Militia. 
Ancestor : Vincent Guerin. 

Hageman, John F., Jr., Princeton, 152. 

Jan. 31st, 1891. 
Great-grandson of Jonathan Dickinson Ser- 



339 



geant, Clerk of First Provincial Convention 
of N. J.; Member of Provincial Congress 
of N. J. ; Member of Continental Congress; 
Attorney General of Penn. ; Member of 
Council of Safety, of N. J. 
Ancestor : Jonathan Dickinson Sergeant. 

Halsey, Charles D., Newark, 233. 

Dec. 26th, 1892. 
Great-grandson of Isaac Halsey, Private in Es- 
sex County, N. J. Militia ; also, Private in 
Troop of Light Horse, N. J. Militia ; also, 
Paymaster of Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Isaac Halsey. 

Halsey, Hon. Geoege A., Newark, 91. 

Feb. 8th, 1890. 

Grandson of Isaac Halsey, Private in Essex 

County, N. J. Militia ; also, Private in 

Troop of Light Horse, N. J. Militia ; also, 

Paymaster of Essex County, N. J. Militia. 

Ancestor : Isaac Halsey. 

Halsey, Charles Henry King, Elizabeth, 164. 
April 3rd, 1891. 
Great-grandson of Eufus King, Signer of the 
Constitution of the United States ; also, 
Aide-de-camp on the Staff of Gen. John 
Glover, Continental Army, in Sullivan's 
campaign in Rhode Island. 
Ancestor : Rufus King. 

Halsey, Jacob Lafayette, East Orange, 254. 
March 20th, 1893. 
Great-grandson of Jonathan Osborn, Private 
in Capt. Peter Hallock's Company, N. Y. 
Militia. 
Ancestor : Jonathan Osborn. 

Halsted, George Blight, Elizabeth, 14. 

April 20th, 1889. 



34:0 



Great-grandson of Col. Oliver Spencer, 1st Maj. 
1st Regiment, Essex County, N. J. Militia ; 
Lieut. -Col. Col. Ford's Battalion, State 
Troops ; also, Colonel in Continental Army. 

Ancestor : Oliver Spencer. 

Hand, Edward P., Newark, 136. 

Aug. 5th, 1S90. 
Grandson of Silas Hand, Wagoner in Wag- 

onmaster General's Department of the 

Army in New Jersey. 
Also, grandson of Edward Paddlef ord, a Minute 

Man, who was in the skirmish at Short 

Hills and Springfield, and is credited with 

having shot an English officer, John Pink, 

from his horse. 
Also, son of Nathan Hand, who, a lad of 

twelve years, drove a Commissary wagon, 

when Washington left Morristown for 

Kingston. 
Ancestors : Silas Hand, Edward Paddleford, 

and Nathan Hand. 

Harris, Frederick Halsey, Montclair, 238. 

Dec. 26th, 1892. 
Great-grandson of William Gould, Private in 

Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : William Gould. 

Harrison, Edmund G., Asbury Park, 243. 

Jan. 30th, 1893. 
Grandson of John Harrison, Sergeant of Capt. 
James Heard's Company, " Lee's Legion, " 
Continental Army. 
Ancestor : John Harrison. 

Hatfield, Henry Elias, Newark. 82. 

Nov. 23rd, 1889. 
Great -great-grandson of Aaron Hatfield, Pri- 
vate in the Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Aaron Hatfield. 



341 



Havhand, James Barberie, Freehold, 41. 

Oct. 1st, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Jonathan Ehea, Ensign of 
5th Company, 2nd Battalion, 2nd Estab- 
lishment, N. J. Continental Line ; also 
Lieut, of 2nd Regiment, N. J. Continental 
Line ; Captain by brevet. 
Ancestor : Jonathan Rhea. 

Herring, Charles Edward, East Orange. 248. 
March 20th, 1893. 
Grandson of Benjamin Herring, Ensign of 3rd 
Regiment, Col. Peter Gansevoort's N. Y. 
Continental Line ; also, served as Ensign 
of 2nd Company, 1st Regiment, Col. Goose 
Van Schaick's N. Y. Continental Line. 
Ancestor : Benjamin Herring. 

Heyl, Charles Heath, Camden, 262. 

May 20th, 1893. 
Great-grandson of David Heath, Private in 

Hunterdon County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : David Heath. 

Hoffman, Joseph Reed, M. D., Morristown, 177. 
June 19th, 1891. 
Great-grandson of John Hoffman, Private in 

Morris County, N. J. Militia. 
Also, great-great-grandson of Japhet By ram, 

Private in Morris County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestors : John Hoffman and Japhet By- 
ram. 

Hoffman, Philip H., Morristown, 110. 

April 17th, 1890. 
Grandson of John Hoffman, Private in Morris 

Countv, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : John Hoffman. 

Hoffman, William T.. English town, 48. 

Oct. 1st, 1889. 






342 



Great-grandson of William Hoffman, Private 
in Capt. Polhemus's Company, 1st Battal- 
ion, 1st Establishment, N. J. Continental 
Line. 

Ancestor : William Hoffman. 

Holden, James Cotton, Madison, 35. 

June 10th, 1889. 
Grandson of Levi Holden, Lieut, of 6th Massa- 
chusetts Bay Regiment, Continental Line ; 
also, Lieut, in Washington's Life Guard, 
Continental Army. 
Ancestor : Lieut. Levi Holden. 

Howe, Charles Mortimer, Passaic, 188. 

Aug. 5th, 1891. 
Grandson of Bezaleel Howe, Lieut. 1st Regi- 
ment New Hampshire Continental Line ; 
also, Lieut, in Washington's Life Guard, 
Continental Army. 
Ancestor : Lieut. Bezaleel Howe. 

Howe, Edwin Jenkins, M. D., Newark, 277. 

Nov. 21st, 1893. 

Grandson of Maj. Bezaleel Howe, Lieut. 1st 
Regiment, N. H. Continental Line ; also, 
Auxiliary Lieut, in Gen. Washington's Life 
Guard, and who commanded the escort 
that conveyed his personal papers from 
New York to Mount Vernon at the close 
of the War. 

Ancestor : Bezaleel Moore. 

Howe, George Rowland, East Orange, 86. 

Dec. 26th, 1889. 
Grandson of Bezaleel Howe, Lieut, of 1st Reg- 
iment, New Hampshire Continental Line ; 
also, Lieut, in Washington's Life Guard, 
Continental Army. 



343 



Ancestor : Lieut. Bezaleel Howe. 

Hubbell, George Wolcott, Newark, 17. 

May 15th, 1889. 
Grandson of Wolcott Hubbell, a "Minute 
Man " in Massachusetts Militia ; fought at 
the battle of Bennington ; Member of the 
Committee of Correspondence, Mass. 
Ancestor : Wolcott Hubbell. 

Hubbell, John Jackson, Newark, 18. 

May 15th, 1889. 
Grandson of Wolcott Hubbell, a "Minute 
Man " in Massachusetts Militia ; fought at 
the battle of Bennington ; Member of the 
Committee of Correspondence, Mass. 
Ancestor : Wolcott Hubbell. 

Humphreys, Rev. Frank Landon, Morristown, 104. 
March 1st, 1890. 
Great-grandson of Asher Humphreys, Private 
in Abel Pettibone's Company, Col. Thomas 
Belden's Regiment, Conn. Militia. 
Ancestor : Asher Humphreys. 

Inslee, Phineas Jones, Newark, 22. 

April 20th, 1889. 
Grandson of William Jones, Private in Essex 

County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : William Jones. 

Janeway, Frank L., New Brunswick, 231. 

Dec. 13th, 1892. 

Great-grandson of George Janeway, Capt. of 
2nd Regiment, New York City Militia. 

Also, great-grandson of Thomas Leiper, First 
Sergeant in 1st City Troop, Philadelphia ; 
was engaged at Trenton, Princeton, and 
Monmouth ; gave £5,000 to sustain the 
American Army at Valley Forge. 

Also, great-great-grandson of George Gray, 



344 



Member of Committee of Safety of Penn- 
sylvania, 1775 to 1777, and then Chairman 
of the Board of War until the close of the 
War. 
Ancestors : George Janeway, Thomas Leiper, 
and George Gray. 

Janeway, Henry L., New Brunswick, 114. 

May 23rd, 1890. 

Grandson of George Janeway, Capt. of 2nd 
Eegiment, New York City Militia. 

Also, grandson of Thomas Leiper, First Ser- 
geant in 1st City Troop, Philadelphia ; was 
engaged at Trenton, Princeton, and Mon- 
mouth ; gave £5,000 to sustain the Ameri- 
can Army at Valley Forge. 

Also, great-grandson of George Gray, Member 
of Committee of Safety of Pennsylvania, 
1775 to 1777, and then Chairman of the 
Board of War until the close of the War. 

Ancestors : George Janeway, Thomas Leiper, 
and George Gray. 

Janeway, Henry L., Jr., New Brunswick, 221. 
Dec. 13th, 1892. 

Great-grandson of George Janeway, Capt. of 
2nd Eegiment, New York City Militia. 

Also, great-grandson of Thomas Leiper, First 
Sergeant in 1st City Troop, Philadelphia ; 
was engaged at Trenton, Princeton, and 
Monmouth ; gave £5,000 to sustain the 
A merican Army at Valley Forge. 

Also, great-great-grandson of George Gray, 
Member of Committee of Safety of Penn- 
sylvania, 1775 to 1777, and then Chairman 
of the Board of War until the close of the 
War. 

Ancestors : George Janeway, Thomas Leiper y 
and George Gray. 



345 

Janeway, William K., New Brunswick, 155, 
April 3rd, 1891. 
Great-grandson of George Janeway, Capt. of 

2nd Regiment, New York City Militia. 
Also, great-grandson of Thomas Leiper, First 
Sergeant in 1st City Troop, Philadelphia ; 
was engaged at Trenton, Princeton, and 
Monmouth; gave £5,000 to sustain the 
American Army at Valley Forge. 
Also, great-great-grandson of George Gray, 
Member of Committee of Safety of Penn- 
sylvania, 1775 to 1777, and then Chairman 
of the Board of War until the close of the 
War. 
Ancestors : George Janeway, Thomas Leiper, 
and George Gray. 
Jaques, George Benjamin, New York City, 59. 
Oct. 1st, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Robert Laird, Private in 
Capt. Smock's Company of Light Dra- 
goons, Monmouth Countv, N. J. Militia. 
Also, great-grandson of Moses Mount, Private 
in Capt. Walton's Company of Light Dra- 
goons, Monmouth County, N. J. Militia. 
Also, great-grandson of Moses Jaques, Col. 1st 

Regiment, Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestors : Robert Laird, Moses Mount, and 
Col. Moses Jaques. 

Jenkins, Weston, Trenton, 191. 

Oct. 14th, 1891. 
Great-grandson of James Jenkins, Private in 
Barnstable County, Massachusetts Militia. 
Ancestor: James Jenkins. 

Johnson, Harris L., Elizabeth, 161. 

April 3rd, 1891. 
Great-grandson of Obadiah Meeker, Captain of 



346 



troop of Light Horse, Essex County, N. J. 
Militia. 
Ancestor : Obadiah Meeker. 

Johnston, John Kilgore, Brownsville, Pa., 147. 
Nov. 17th, 1890. 
Great-great-grandson of Captain David Kil- 
gore, Eighth Regiment Pennsylvania Con- 
tinental Line. 
Ancestor : David Kilgore. 

Jones, George W., Newark, 69. 

Nov. 9th, 1889. 
Great-great-grandson of Joseph Edwards, Pri- 
vate in Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Joseph Edwards. 

Keasbey, Anthony Quinton, Newark, 79. 

Nov. 23rd, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Edward Keasbey, Member 

of the Council of Safety and also of the 

Provincial Congress of N. J. 
Also, great-grandson of Lieut. Col. Caleb Parry, 

of Col. Atlee's Musketry Battalion of 

Penna., who was killed at the battle of 

Long Island. 
Ancestors : Edward Keasbey and Caleb Parry. 

Ketcham, George W., Newark, 216. 

Sept. 20th, 1892. 

Great-grandson of Levi Ketcham, Private in 
Captain John Hunt's Company, 1st Regi- 
ment, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-great grandson of John Ketcham, 
Private in Captain John I. Anderson's 
Company, 3rd Regiment, N. J. Conti- 
nental Lioe. 

Ancestors : Levi Ketcham and John Ketcham. 

King, Rufus, Elizabeth, 23. 

April 20th, 1889. 



34Y 

Great-grandson of Rufus King, delegate to the 
Convention and Signer of the Constitution 
of the United States ; also, A. D. C. on 
the staff of Gen. John Glover, Continental 
Army, in Sullivan's campaign in Rhode 
Island. 

Ancestor : Rufus King. 

King, William L., Morristown, 24. 

Feb. 8th, 1890. 
Grandson of Frederick King, Express Rider 
for Gov. Livingston and the Council of 
Safety of N. J. ; also Quartermaster of 
Eastern Battalion, Morris County, N. J. 
Militia. 
Ancestor : Frederick King. 
Kirkpatrick, Hon. Andrew, Newark, 19. 

April 10th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of John Bayard, Col. 2d Batta- 
lion Philadelphia Associators ; took part in 
the battles of Princeton, Brandywine and 
Germantown. 
Ancestor : Col. John Bayard. 
Kirkpatrick, John Bayard, New Brunswick, 150. 
Jan. 31st, 1891. 
Great-grandson of John Bayard, Col. 2nd Bat- 
talion Philadelphia Associators ; took part 
in the battles of Princeton, Brandywine 
and Germantown. 
Ancestor : Col. John Bayard. 
Laird, John H., Englishtown, 102. 

March 1st, 1890. 
Great-grandson of Daniel Harbert, Private in 
Capt. Walton's Troop of Light Dragoons, 
Monmouth County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Daniel Harbert. 

Laird, Robert, M. D., Manasquan, 131. 

Aug. 5th, 1890. 



348 



GraDdson of Eobert Laird, Private in Lieut. 
Barnes Smock's Troop Light Dragoons, 
Monmouth County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, grandson of Moses Mount, Private in 
Capt. John Walton's Troop Light Dra- 
goons, Monmouth County, N. J. Militia. 

Ancestors : Eobert Laird and Moses Mount. 

LaMonte, George, Bound Brook, 133. 

Aug. 5th, 1890. 
Great-grandson of William Lemmon, Private 
in Capt. Josiah Graves's Company, N. Y. 
Militia, Continental Line. 
Ancestor : William Lemmon. 

Lewis, David Chambers, Cranbury, 265. 

Oct. 3rd, 1893. 
Grandson of David Chambers, Capt. of 3rd Reg- 
iment, Middlesex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : David Chambers. 

Lindsley, John Nicol, Orange, 202. 

Nov. 24th, 1891. 

Great-great-grandson of John Harrison, Pri- 
vate in Capt. John Conway's Company, 
First Battalion, First Establishment, N. J. 
Continental Line. 

Also, Great-grandson of John Lindsley, Private 
in Essex County, N. J. Militia, who fought 
in the battle of Monmouth. 

Ancestors : John Harrison and John Linds- 
ley. 

Littell, William Meeker, Mt. Arlington, 255. 
April 24th, 1893. 
Great-great-grandson of Isaac Halsey, Captain 
of Eastern Battalion, Morris County, N. J. 
Militia. 
Ancestor : Capt. Isaac Halsey. 

Lockwood, George A., Newark, 222. 



349 



Dec. 13th, 1892. 

Grandson of Ebenezer Lockwood, Private in 
Capt. Jabez Gregory's Company, 9th Reg- 
iment, Conn. Militia ; also, Private in Capt. 
Isaac Lock wood's Company Sea Coast 
Guards, Conn. Militia. 

Ancestor : Ebenezer Lockwood. 

Loutrel, Cyrus F., South Orange, 185. 

Aug. 5th, 1891. 
Great-grandson of Thomas Devall, Private in 

Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Thomas Devall. 

Ludlow, Gideon E., Cranford, 130. 

Aug. 5th, 1890. 

Grandson of Jacob Ludlum, Private in Essex 

County, N. J. Militia ; also, Ensign in Capt. 

Andrew McMires's Company, 1st Battalion, 

2nd Establishment, N. J. Continental Line. 

Ancestor : Jacob Ludlum. 

Lufbery, John Henry, Rah way, 32. 

May 15th. 1889. 
Son of Abraham Lufbery, Sergeant in Hazen's 

Regiment, Continental Army. 
Ancestor : Abraham Lufbery. 

Manners, Edwin, Jersey City, 247. 

March 20th, 1893. 
Great-grandson of John Schenck, Captain 3rd 
Regiment, Hunterdon County, N. J. Mili- 
tia. 
Also, great-grandson of David Johnes, 2nd Ma- 
jor, 2nd Regiment, Hunterdon County, N. 
J. Militia. 
Ancestors : John Schenck and David Johnes. 

Manning, Edward, Brooklyn, N. Y., 264. 

Oct. 3rd, 1893. 
Great-grandson of Abram Schenck, Private in 



350 

Capt. Harry H. Schenck's Troop of Light 
Horse, Somerset County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Abram Schenck. 

Marsh, Stanford, East Orange, 95. 

Feb. 8th, 1890. 
Great-grandson of Matthias Williamson, Quar- 
termaster General and Brigadier General, 
N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Matthias Williamson. 

Martin, Archer N., Summit, 278. 

Nov. 21st, 1893. 
Great-grandson of David Nevins, Ensign in 
Capt. Samuel Gales's 8th Company of Col. 
Samuel H. Parsons's Sixth Regiment, Con- 
necticut Continental Line, 1775 ; also, Cap- 
tain in the Tenth Regiment, Connecticut 
Continental Line, in 1776. 
Ancestor : David Nevins. 

Mason, Henry Molton, Newark, 258. 

May 20th, 1893. 
Great-grandson of Michael Moulton, Lieut, in 
U. S. Navy, on board Sloop of War, Prov- 
idence, Capt. John R. Rathbone comman- 
ding. 
Ancestor : Michael Moulton. 

Matthews, Ambrose Meeker, Orange, 10. 

April 20th, 1889. 

Great-grandson of William Matthews, Private 
in Capt. Cornelius Williams's Company, 
2nd Regiment, Essex County, N. J. Mili- 
tia. 

Also, great-grandson of Thomas Meeker, Pri- 
vate in Capt. W. Piatt's Company, 1st Reg- 
iment, N. J. Continental Line. 

Also, great-grandson of John Blowers, Private 
in Light Dragoons, N. J. Militia. 



351 



Ancestors : William Matthews, Thomas Meek- 
er and John Blowers. 

Matthews, John C. D., Newark, 228. 

Dec. 13th, 1892. 
Great-grandson of Christopher Denman, Pri- 
vate in Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Christopher Denman. 

McDowell, Charles Edward, Bloomfield, 30. 
May 15th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Shephard Kollock, Lieut, of 
Col. Lamb's 2nd Regiment Artillery, Con- 
tinental Army ; Captain by brevet. 
Also, great-grandson of Joseph Davis, Private 

in Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestors : Shephard Kollock and Joseph Da- 
vis. 

McDowell, Fred. H., Warwick Woodl'ds, N.Y., 67. 
Nov. 9th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Shephard Kollock, Lieut, of 
Col. Lamb's 2nd Regiment Artillery, Con- 
tinental Army ; Captain by brevet. 
Also, great-grandson of Joseph Davis, Private 

in Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestors : Shephard Kollock and Joseph Da- 
vis. 

McDowell, William Osborne, Newark, 1. 

March 7th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Shephard Kollock, Lieut, of 
Col. Lamb's 2nd Regiment Artillery, Con- 
tinental Army ; Captain by brevet. 
Also, great-grandson of Joseph Davis, Private 

in Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestors : Shephard Kollock and Joseph Da- 
vis. 

McElligott, Col. Henry R., New York City, 156. 
April 3rd, 1891. 



352 



Great-grandson of John Parker, Private in 
Capt. Joshua Huddy's Artillery Company, 
N. J. State Troops, captured by the British 
in the assault on the Block House at Toms 
River, N. J., March 24th, 1782. 

Ancestor : John Parker. 

McG-ee, Flavel, Jersey City, 74. 

Nov. 9th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Joseph Clark, Muster Master 
of Continental Army ; also, Quartermaster 
on Staff of Major General Adam Stephen, 
of the Continental Army. 
Ancestor : Joseph Clark. 

McMichael, Col. William P., Bordentown, 80. 
Dec. 26th, 1889. 

Grandson of James McMichael, Sergeant in 
Capt. John Marshall's Company, Pennsyl- 
vania Rifle Regiment, Col. Samuel Miles 
commanding ; also, 1st Lieut. Capt. John 
Clark's Company, Pennsylvania State Reg- 
iment of Foot, Col. John Bull command- 
ing. 

Ancestor : James McMichael. 

Meeker, Charles H., South Orange, 234. 

Dec. 26th, 1892. 

Great-grandson of Samuel Meeker, Lieut, of 

Capt. Marsh's Troop of Light Horse, Essex 

County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, grandson of William Meeker, Private in 

Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestors : Lieut. Samuel Meeker and Wil- 
liam Meeker. 

Meeker, Samuel, East Orange, 68. 

Nov. 9th, 1889. 
Great-great-grandson of Samuel Meeker, Lieut, 
of Capt. Marsh's Troop of Light Horse, 
Essex County, N. J. Militia. 



353 

Also, great-grandson of William Meeker, Pri- 
vate in Essex County, N. J. Militia. 

Ancestors : Lieut. Samuel Meeker and "Wil- 
liam Meeker. 

Mellick, Andrew D., Jr., Plainfield, 56. 

Oct. 1st, 1889. 

Great-grandson of Aaron Malick, a Member of 
the Committee of Observation and Inspec- 
tion of Bedminster, Somerset County, N. J. 

Also, great-grandson of Ezekiel Ayres, Private 
in Middlesex County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-great-grandson of Hugh Dunn, 
Capt. of 1st Eegiment, Middlesex County, 
N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-great-grandson of John Dunham, 
Private in Middlesex County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-great-grandson of Matthew Free- 
man, Capt. Middlesex County, N. J. Mili- 
tia ; also, Capt. in N. J. State Troops. 

Ancestors : Aaron Malick, Hugh Dunn, John 
Dunham, Matthew Freeman. 

Mellick, George P., Plainfield, 100. 

Nov. 9th, 1889. 

Great-grandson of Aaron Malick, Member of 
the Committee of Observation and Inspec- 
tion, of Bedminster, Somerset County, N. 
J. 

Also, great-grandson of Ezekiel Ayres, Private 
in Middlesex County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great- great-grandson of Hugh Dunn, 
Capt. of 1st Eegiment, Middlesex County. 
N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-great-grandson of John Dunham, 
Private in Middlesex County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-great-grandson of Matthew Free- 
man, Capt. Middlesex County, N. J. Mili- 
tia ; also, Capt. in N. J. State Troops. 



354 

Ancestors ; Aaron Malick, Hugh Dunn, John 
Dunham, Matthew Freeman. 

Metcalf, Eobert, South Orange, 193. 

Nov. 24th, 1891. 
Great-grandson of Silas Talbot, Lieut, in 
Capt. Levi Tower's Company, of Provi- 
dence, K. L, Army of Observation in siege 
of Boston ; in command of five ships in 
Hudson Eiver ; rank of Major conferred by 
Continental Congress, Oct. 10, 1777 ; took 
part in the defence of Fort Mifflin, on Del- 
aware Eiver, and had arm shattered by 
musket ball ; made Lieut. Col. by Congress 
and, Sept. 17, 1779, commissioned a Cap- 
tain in the U. S. Navy ; took many prizes 
from the British ; was captured and con- 
fined in prison ship Jersey ; conveyed from 
thence to the "Old Sugar House"; was 
wounded eleven times, and carried five 
bullets in his body to his grave. 
Ancestor : Silas Talbot. 

Miller, Eev. Franklin E., D. D., Paterson, 60. 
Oct. 1st, 1SS9. 
Grandson of John Miller, Private in Captain 
Matthew Smith's Company, Col. William 
Thompson's Battalion of Eiflemen, Penn. ; 
he served in the campaign against Quebec 
under Montgomery. 
Ancestor : John Miller. 

Miller, William H., Elizabeth, 172. 

June 19th, 1891. 
Grandson of Benjamin Coddington, Private in 
Capt. Aaron Ogden's Company, 1st Eegi- 
ment, N. J. Continental Line. 
Ancestor : Benjamin Coddington. 



355 



Mitchell, Aaron Peck, East Orange, 225. 

Dec. 13th, 1892. 
Grandson of Joseph Peck, Private in Essex 

County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Joseph Peck. 

Moody, Edward Francis, Camden, 83. 

Dec. 26th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Paul Moody, Sergeant in 
Jacob Gerrish's Company, Col. Moses, Lit- 
tle's Regiment, Mass. State Troops. 
Ancestor : Paul Moody. 

Morgan, Henry Southmayd, East Orange, 27. 
May 15th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Robert Warner, Captain of 
3rd Regiment, Conn. Continental Line ; 
Major of 1st Regiment, Conn. Continental 
Line. 
Ancestor : Robert Warner. 

Morris, Theodore Wilson, Freehold, 46. 

Oct. 1st, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Ephraim Whitlock, Ensign 
of 6th Company, 1th Battalion, 2nd Estab- 
lishment, N. J. Continental Line ; also, 
Lieut, of 1st Regiment, N. J. Continental 
Line ; Captain by brevet. 
Ancestor : Ephraim Whitlock. 

Morris, William Wallace, Newark, 34. 

May 15th, 1889. 

Great-grandson of James Herbert, Private in 

Troop of Light Horse, Monmouth County, 

N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-grandson of Henry Brinkerhoff, 

Private in Bergen County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestors : James Herbert and Henry Brink- 
erhoff. 



356 



Muir, William Sawtell, Philadelphia, Pa., 183. 
Aug. 5th, 1891. 

Great-great-grandson of David Wallingford, 
2nd Lieut, of Capt. Daniel Emerson's Com- 
pany, N. H. Militia, in the alarm of June, 
1777 ; also, 2nd Lieut, of Capt. John Goss's 
Company, Col. Moses Nichols's Regiment, 
N. H. Militia, Gen. Stark's force at Ben- 
nington. 

Ancestor : David Wallingford. 

Murphy, Franklin, Newark, 196. 

Nov. 24th, 1891. 
Great-grandson of "Robert Murphy, Jr., Private 
in Bergen County, N. J. Militia ; also, Pri- 
vate in N. J. State Troops. 
Ancestor : Robert Murphy, Jr. 

Murphy, Holmes W., Freehold, 42. 

Oct. 1st, 1889. 
Grandson of Stout Holmes, Private in Mon- 
mouth County, N. J. Militia ; also, Private 
in N. J. State Troops. 
Ancestor : Stout Holmes. 

Murphy, William A., Newark, 226. 

Dec. 13th, 1892. 
Great-grandson of Robert Murphy, Jr., Private 
in Bergen County, N. J. Militia ; also, Pri- 
vate in N. J. State Troops. 
Ancestor : Robert Murphy, Jr. 

Murphy, William H., Newark, 128. 

Aug. 5th, 1890. 
Grandson of Robert Murphy, Jr., Private in 
Bergen County, N. J. Militia ; also, Private 
in N. J. State Troops. 
Ancestor : .Robert Murphy, Jr. 

Myer, Benjamin, Newark, 8. 

April 20th, 1889. 



357 

Son of Benjamin Myer, Private in Essex Coun- 
ty, N. J. Militia ; fought at the battle of 
Springfield, N. J. 

Also, grandson of Benjamin Spinning, Private 
in Essex County, N. J. Militia. 

Ancestors : Benjamin Myer and Benjamin 
Spinning. 

Newell, John W., New Brunswick, 223. 

Dec. 13th, 1892. 

Grandson of Hugh Newell, Private in Captain 
James Bruen's Company, Col. Elisha Lau- 
rence's Regiment, Monmouth County, N. 
J. Militia ; also, Member of Monmouth 
County Committee of Safety. 

Also, grandson of Elizabeth, wife of Hugh 
Newell, one of the Committee of Mon- 
mouth County, July 4th, 1780, for the re- 
lief of the brave men in the Continental 
Army. 

Also, great-grandson of Kenneth Hankinson, 
Capt. in Col. David Forman's Battalion, 
Heard's Brigade, N. J. Militia, which took 
part in the battle of Long Island, Aug. 27, 
1776 ; also, Capt. of 1st Regiment, Mon- 
mouth County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-grandson of Azariah Dunham, 
Lieut. Col. of 2nd Regiment, Middlesex 
County, N. J. Militia ; also, Commissary 
of military Stores, Commissary Depart- 
ment. 

Also, great-great-grandson of Jacob Ford, Jr., 
Col. of N. J. State Troops, who died at 
Morristown, N. J., Jan. 10th, 1777, and 
was buried with military honors by order 
of Washington. 

Ancestors : Hugh Newell, Elizabeth Newell 



358 



Kenneth Hankinson, Azariah Dunham, 
Jacob Ford, Jr. 

Nichols, Edwin,, Newark, 241. 

Jan. 10th, 1893. 
Great-grandson of Samuel Hamilton, Private 
in Capt. Eliphalet Holmes's Company, "Mi- 
nute Men " of 1776, Conn. Militia ; also, 
Private in Capt. Matthew Smith's Compa- 
ny, Maj. Edward Shipman's Battalion of 
Gen. Daniel Waterbury's Brigade, Conn. 
State Troops ; he was severely wounded, 
lost an eye, was taken prisoner by the 
British, confined in the "Old Sugar House," 
N. Y. City, and kept there until the end of 
the War. 
Ancestor : Samuel Hamilton. 

Nichols, Walter S., Newark, 208. 

March 30th, 1892. 
Great-grandson of Eobert Nichols, Captain of 
2nd Regiment, Essex County, N. J. Mili- 
tia. 
Also, great-grandson of Joseph Davis, Wag- 
onmaster in Wagonmaster General's De- 
partment, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestors : Robert Nichols and Joseph Davis. 

Ogden, Francis Barber, New York City, 13. 

April 20th, 18S9. 
Grandson of Matthias Ogden, Col. of the 1st 
Regiment, N. J. Continental Line ; Brig. 
Gen. by brevet. 
Also, great-grandson of Elias Dayton, Col. 3rd 
Battalion, 1st Establishment ; Col. 3rd Bat- 
talion, 2nd Establishment ; Col. 3rd Regi- 
ment ; Brig. Gen. Continental Army, Jan. 
7th, 1783 ; he took part in all the battles in 
which the Continental Line was engaged ; 
was also Col. of Militia. 



359 

Ancestors : Gen. Matthias Ogden and Gen. 
Elias Dayton. 

Ogden, Joseph Griffith, Elizabeth, 25. 

April 20th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of John Halsey, Private in 

Morris County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : John Halsey. 

Opdyke, Charles W., Plainfield, 113. 

April 17th, 1S90. 
Great-grandson of Luther Opdyke, Ensign in 
Capt. Cornelius Johnson's Company, 3rd 
Regiment, Hunterdon pounty, N. J. Mili- 
tia. 
Ancestor : Luther Opdyke. 

Osborne, Frederick Allen, Newark. 66. 

Nov. 9th, 1889. 
Grandson of Henry Osborne, Private in Essex 

County, N. J. Militia. 
Also, great-grandson of Elias Osborne, Private 

in Essex County, N. J. Militia- 
Ancestors : Henry Osborne and Elias Osborne. 

Osborne, Henry Frank, Newark, 139. 

Nov. 9th, 1889. 
Grandson of Henry Osborne, Private in Essex 

County, N. J. Militia. 
Also, great-grandson of Elias Osborne, Private 

in Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Also, great-grandson of Joseph Davis, Private 

in Essex County, N. J. Militia ; also, Wag- 

onmaster. 
Ancestors : Henry Osborne, Elias Osborne and 

Joseph Davis. 

Osborne, Horace Sherman, Newark, 65. 

Nov. 9th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Henry Osborne, Private in 
Essex County, N. J. Militia. 



360 



Also, great-great-grandson of Elias Osborne, 

Private in Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Also, great-grandson of Joseph Davis, Private 

in Essex County, N. J. Militia ; also, Wag- 

onmaster. 
Ancestors : Henry Osborne, Elias Osborne and 

Joseph Davis. 

Owens, John Campbell, Trenton, 167. 

April 3rd, 1891. 

Great-grandson of Jacob Punk, 2nd Lieut, of 
Capt. John Phillips's Company, 3rd Regi- 
ment, Hunterdon County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-grandson of William Todd, Private 
in Capt. Henry Luce's Company, 2nd Bat- 
talion, 2nd Establishment, N. J. Continen- 
tal Line ; Private in Capt. Richard Still- 
well's Company, 4th Regiment, Hunterdon 
County, N. J. Militia ; Private in N. J. 
State Troops. 

Also, great-grandson of Joseph Jenkins, Pri- 
vate in Capt. William Tucker's Company, 
1st Regiment, Hunterdon County, N. J. 
Militia. 

Also, great-great-grandson of James Whalen, 
Lieut. 1st Battalion, Somerset County, N. 
J. Militia. 

Ancestors : Jacob Runk, William Todd, Jo- 
seph Jenkins, James Whalen. 

Park, Noel Robertson, Cranford, 134. 

Aug. 5th, 1890. 
Great-grandson of Rev. James Caldwell, Chap- 
lain, &c, to Gen. Washington and his 
army in N. J., 3rd Battalion, 1st Estab- 
lishment, N. J. Continental Line ; also, 
Deputy Quartermaster and Assistant Com- 
missary General, Continental Army ; 



361 

murdered at Elizabethport, N. J.,' Nov. 
24th, 1781. 
Ancestor : Rev. James Caldwell. 

Parker, Charles Joel, Manasquan, 72. 

Nov. 9th, 18S9. 
Great-grandson of Joseph Coward, Private in 
the Pulaski Legion, Continental Army ; 
also, Private in Monmouth County, N. J. 
Militia. 
Ancestor ; Joseph Coward. 

Parker, Frederick, Freehold, 21. 

April 20th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Joseph Coward, Private in 
the Pulaski Legion, Continental Army ; 
also, Private in Monmouth County, N. J. 
Militia. 
Ancestor : Joseph Coward. 

Parker, Lewis, Trenton, 246. 

Jan. 30th, 1893. 
Great-grandson of Joseph Parker, Matross in 
Capt. Joshua Huddy's Company, N. J. 
State Troops ; was captured at the Block 
House at Tom's River, N. J., March 24th, 
1782 ; confined in the " Old Sugar House" 
prison in New York City. 
Ancestor : Joseph Parker. 

Parker, Neilson Taylor, New Brunswick, 232. 
Dec. 13th, 1892. 
Great-great-grandson of John Taylor, Capt. of 
4th Regiment, Hunterdon County, N. J. 
Militia ; Major of Col. Charles Read's Bat- 
talion, N. J. State Troops ; Col. 4th Regi- 
ment, Hunterdon County, N. J. Militia ; 
Col. of Regiment of N. J. State Troops ; 
took part in the battles of Princeton, Ger- 
mantown, Connecticut Farms, and was an 



362 



Aide-de-camp on the Staff of Maj. Gen. 
Philemon Dickinson, at the battle of Mon- 
mouth. 

Also, great-great- grandson of John Neilson, 
Col. of Battalion of " Minute Men," of the 
N. J. Militia ; Col. of 2nd Eegiment of N. 
J. State Troops ; Brig. Gen. N. J. Militia ; 
also, Deputy Quartermaster General of N. 
J., and served until the close of the War ; 
elected a Delegate to Continental Congress 
in 1778, but could not take his seat in that 
body on account of military duties. 

Ancestors : John Taylor and John Neilson. 

Parrot, George Townley, Elizabeth, 115. 

May 23rd, 1S90. 

Great-grandson of William Parrot, Private in 
Morris County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-grandson of Waters Burrows, Pri- 
vate in Essex County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-grandson of Daniel S. Wood, Lieut, 
and Capt., 1st Regiment, Essex County, N. 
J. Militia. 

Also, great-great-grandson of George Townley, 
Private in Essex County, N. J. Militia. 

Ancestors : William Parrot, Waters Burrows, 
Daniel S. Wood and George Townley. 

Parrot, Samuel Burrows, Elizabeth, 175. 

June 19th, 1891. 

Great-grandson of William Parrot, Private in 
Morris County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-grandson of Waters Burrows, Pri- 
vate in Essex County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-grandson of Daniel S. Wood, Lieut, 
and Capt., 1st Regiment, Essex County, 
N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-great-grandson of George Townley, 
Private in Essex County, N. J. Militia. 



363 

Ancestors : William Parrot, Waters Burrows, 
Daniel S. Wood and George Townley. 

Peck, Cyrus, Newark, 229. 

Dec. 13th, 1S92. 
Great-grandson of David Peck, Private in Cap- 
tain Beading's Company, 2nd Battalion, 
2nd Establishment, N. J. Continental Line. 
Ancestor : David Peck. 

Peck, George, M. D., U. S. N., Elizabeth, 186. 
Aug. 5th, 1891. 
Great-grandson of David Peck, Private in Cap- 
tain Reading's Company, 2nd Battalion, 
2nd Establishment, N. J. Continental Line. 
Ancestor : David Peck. 

Peck, Capt. Samuel C, Jr., Plainfield, 107. 

March 22nd, 1890. 
Great-grandson of Samuel Peck, Capt. of 3rd 
Company, Col. Douglass's 5th Battalion, 
Conn. Continental Line ; also, Capt. 10th 
Company, 7th Regiment, Conn. Continen- 
tal Line. 
Ancestor : Capt. Samuel Peck. 

Pennington, Samuel Hayes, Jr., Newark, 52. 
Oct. 1st, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Samuel Hayes, Maj. of Col. 
Spencer's Battalion, N. J. State Troops ; 
fought at Springfield, N. J., and other bat- 
tles ; was prisoner of war and confined in 
the "Old Sugar House" prison, in New 
York City. 
Ancestor : Major Samuel Hayes. 

Perrine, David Vanderveer, Freehold, 58. 

Oct. 1st, 18S9. 
Great-grandson of John Perrine, Private in 
Middlesex County, N. J. Militia. 



364 



Also, great-grandson of David Baird, Captain 
Monmouth County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-grandson of John Conover (Coven- 
hoven), Private in 1st Regiment, Mon- 
mouth County, N. J. Militia. 

Ancestors : John Perrine, David Baird and 
John Conover. 

Peters, Malcolm, Bloomfield, 146. 

May 23rd, 1890. 
Grandson of Captain Absalom Peters, Aide-de 
camp on the Staff of Major General Jacob 
Bailey, N. H. Militia. 
Ancestor : Capt. Absalom Peters. 

Phillips, Henry Ames, Newark, 12. 

April 20th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of John Phillips, Private in 
Gen. Washington's Life Guard ; he enlist- 
ed in Massachusetts. 
Ancestor : John Phillips. 

Pierson, David H., Elizabeth, 230. 

Dec. 13th, 1892. 
Great-grandson of David Peck, Private in Cap- 
tain Beading's Company, 2nd Battalion, 
2nd Establishment, N. J. Continental 
Line. 
Ancestor : David Peck. 

Pierson, William, M. D., Orange. 205. 

Jan. 9th, 1892. 

Great-grandson of Abram Piker, 1st Lieut, of 
Captain Nathaniel Woodward's Company, 
Col. James Holmes's 1st Regiment, N. Y. 
Continental Line ; also, Capt. in Col. Ru- 
dolphus Pitzema's Company, 3rd Regi- 
ment, N. Y. Continental Line ; died at 
the camp at Valley Forge, Pa. 

Ancestor : Abram Riker. 



365 

Platt, Isaac Hull, M. D.. Lakewood, 101. 

March 1st, 1890. 
Great-grandson of Joseph Hull, Lieut, of Capt. 
Perit's Company, Col. Knox's Regiment 
Artillery, Continental Army ; made priso- 
ner at the surrender of Fort Washington, 
in 1776, and remained in captivity two 
years. 
Ancestor : Joseph Hull. 

Plum, Matthias, Madison, 170. 

April 3rd, 1801. 
Great-grandson of John Plum, Private in Mid- 
dlesex County, jNL J. Militia. 
Ancestor : John Plum. 

Pond, Benjamin F., Tenafly, 215. 

Sept. 20th, 1S92. 

Grandson of Elijah Pond, Capt. of "Minute 
Men," Mass. Militia, in Concord and Lex- 
ington Alarm. 

Also, great-grandson of Amasa Mills, Lieut, of 
Capt. Abel Pettibone's Company, 2nd Reg- 
iment, Conn. Continental Line ; Capt. in 
22nd Continental Infantry ; Major ISth 
Regiment, Conn. Militia. 

Ancestors : Elijah Pond and Amasa Mills. 

Porter, Abiel Monroe, Newark, 168. 

April 3rd, 1891. 
Grandson of Matthias Dodd, Private in Essex 

County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Matthias Dodd. 

Potter, Henry Albert, Brick Church, 92. 

Feb, 8 th, 1890. 
Great-grandson of Jacob Bower, Ensign of 
Thompson's Rifle Battalion, Penn. Conti- 
nental Line ; also, Lieut, and Quartermas- 
ter of same Battalion ; also, Capt. of Flying 



366 



Camp ; also, Capt. of 6th Regiment, Penn. 
Continental Line ; also, Capt. of 2nd Regi- 
ment Penn. Continental Line ; in service 
during the whole War. 
Ancestor : Jacob Bower. 

Pumpelly, Josiah Collins, Morristown, 2. 

March 7th, 1889. 

Great-grandson of David Pixley, Lieut of 1st 
Company of a Regiment of Foot, organized 
by the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, in 
May, 1775. 

Also, great-grandson of John Pompili, Private 
in "Rogers's Rangers," Continental Army, 
and afterward Commissary thereof. 

Ancestors : David Pixley and John Pompili. 

Putnam, Erastus Gaylord, Elizabeth, 165. 

April 3rd, 1891. 
Great-great-grandson of Henry Putnam, a 
" Minute Man " in the Massachusetts Mili- 
tia, in the Lexington Alarm, April, 1775. 
Ancestor : Henry Putnam. 

Randolph, Edgar Fitz, Morristown, 169. 

April 3rd, 1891. 
Great-grandson of Lewis Fitz Randolph, En- 
sign in Middlesex County, N. J. Militia ; 
also, Ensign in Capt. Asher Fitz Randolph's 
Company, N. J. State Troops. 
Ancestor : Lewis Fitz Randolph. 

Randolph, Thomas Marshall Fitz, Morristown, 40. 
June 10th, 18S9. 
Great-grandson of Lewis Fitz Randolph, En- 
sign in Middlesex County, N. J. Militia ; 
also, Ensign in Capt. Asher Fitz Randolph's 
Company, N. J. State Troops. 
Ancestor : Lewis Fitz Randolph. 



367 



Revere, Paul, Morristown, 5. 

April 20th, 18S9. 

Great-grandson of Paul Revere, Lieut. Col. of 
the Mass. Artillery, Continental Army ; 
took an active part in the destruction of 
tea in Boston Harbor ; rode at midnight 
from Boston to Concord to give notice of 
the intended attack of Gen. Gage. 

Also, great-grandson of Thomas Lamb, Lieut, 
in Col. Henry Jackson's Regiment, Mass. 
Continental Line. 

Ancestors : Paul Revere and Thomas Lamb. 

Robinson, Thomas Hastings, Morristown, 89. 

Dec. 26th, 1S89. 
Great-grandson of William DeGroot, Lieut, of 
1st Regiment, Middlesex County, N. J. Mi- 
litia. 
Ancestor : William DeGroot. 

Rodwell, Charles M., Newark, 20. 

April 20th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Jeremiah Crane Garthwaite, 
Drummer in Spencer's Regiment, Conti- 
nental Line. 
Ancestor : Jeremiah Crane Garthwaite. 

Rorick, Herbert C, Newark, 94. 

Feb. 8th, 1890. 
Great-grandson of Michael Rorick, Private in 

Sussex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Michael Rorick. 

Rusling, Gen. James F., Trenton, 151. 

Jan. 31st, 1891. 
Great-grandson of William McCulloch, Capt. 

of Team Brigade. 
Also, great-grandson of Aaron Hankinson, Col. 
of 2nd Regiment, Sussex County, N. J. Mi- 
litia. 



368 



Ancestors : William McCulloch and Aaron 
Hankinson. 

Schafer, Joseph H., Newark, 239. 

Dec. 26th, 1892. 

Grandson of Abraham Fairchild, Sergeant in 
Capt. Daniel Neil's Eastern Company Ar- 
tillery, N. J. State Troops ; took part in 
the battles of Trenton and Princeton ; also, 
Adjutant Morris County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-grandson of Abner Fairchild, Capt. 
of Eastern Battalion, Morris County, N. J. 
Militia. 

Ancestors ; Abraham Fairchild and Abner 
Fairchild. 

Schanck, Andrew H., Freehold, 54. 

Oct. 1st, 18S9. 
Great-grandson of John Schanck, Capt. of 1st 
Regiment, Monmouth County, N. J. Mili- 
tia. 
Ancestor : Captain John Schanck. 

Schanck, Daniel S., Freehold, 57. 

Oct. 1st, 1889. 
Great-grandson of John Schanck. Capt. of 1st 
Regiment, Monmouth County, N. J. Mili- 
tia. 
Ancestor : Captain John Schanck. 

Schenck, Abraham V., New Brunswick, 138. 

Aug. 5th, 1890. 
Grandson of Abram Schenck; Private in Capt. 
Henry H. Schenck's Troop of Light Horse, 
Somerset County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Abram Schenck. 

Schenck, Warren Redcliffe, "RedclifTe," 224. 
Dec. 13th, 1892. 
Great-grandson of Abram Schenck, Private in 



369 



Capt. Henry H. Schenck's Troop of Light 
Horse, Somerset County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Abrani Schenck. 

Scott, Julian, Plainfield, 140. 

Dec. 26th, 18S9. 
Great-grandson of Jonathan Scott, Sr., Lieut, 
of Col. Samuel Herrick's Regiment, called 
out by Gen. Stark, to guard public stores 
at Barrington, in June, 1778. 
Ancestor : Jonathan Scott, Sr. 

Seabrook, Thomas L., Keyport, 154. 

Jan. 31st, 1891. 
Great-grandson of Thomas Seabrook, Lieut. 
Col. of Col. Charles Read's Battalion, N. J. 
State Troops ; also, Lieut. Col. 1st Regi- 
ment, Monmouth County, N. J. Militia ; 
Member of N. J. General Assembly in 1779, 
1780 and 1781. 
Ancestor : Lieut. Col. Thomas Seabrook. 

Shepard, Edwin, Newark, 125. 

May 23rd, 1890. 
Great-grandson of William Shepard, Col. of 
4th Massachusetts Bay Regiment, Conti- 
nental Line. 
Ancestor : Col. William Shepard. 

Sherman, Gordon E., Morristown, 62. 

Oct. 1st, 1889. 
Great-great-grandson of Ebenezer Condict, Pri- 
vate in Morris County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Ebenezer Condict. 

Sinnickson, Charles Perry, Philadelphia, Pa., 149. 
Jan. 31st, 1891. 
Great-grandson of Jacob Hufty, Private in Sa- 
lem County, N. J. Militia. 
Also, great-grandson of Andrew Sinnickson, 
1st Battalion, Salem County, N. J. Militia ; 



3Y0 

also, Paymaster of Cape May, Cumberland 
and Salem Counties, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestors : Jacob Huf ty and Andrew Sinnick- 
son. 

Sinnickson, Thomas, Jr., Salem, 145. 

Nov. 17th, 1890. 

Great-grandson of Jacob Hufty, Private in Sa- 
lem County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great grandson of Andrew Sinnickson, 
1st Battalion, Salem County, N. J. Militia ; 
also, Paymaster for Cape May, Cumberland 
and Salem Counties, N. J. Militia. 

Ancestors : Jacob Hufty and Andrew Sinnick- 
son. 

Sims, Clifford Stanley, Mount Holly, 153. 

Jan. 31st, 1891. 

Great-grandson of John Boss, Major 2nd Regi- 
ment, N. J. Continental Line ; Inspector 
of N. J. Brigade ; Lieut. Col. 2nd Regi- 
ment, Burlington County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-grandson of Elijah Clark, Lieut. 
Col. 2nd Battalion, Gloucester County, N. 
J. Militia ; Member of Provincial Congress 
of N. J. 

Also, great-great-grandson of Alexander Ross, 
Surgeon in Hospital Department, Conti- 
nental Army. 

Ancestors : John Ross, Elijah Clark and Alex- 
ander Ross. 

Smalley, Andrew A., Newark. 129. 

Aug. 5th, 1890. 

Grandson of Thomas Armstrong, Lieut, of 

Somerset County, N. J. Militia ; wounded 

at the battle of Monmouth, June 28, 1778. 

Ancestor : Thomas Armstrong. 



371 



Smith, Eev. Henry Goodwin, Freehold, 37. 

June 10th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Eev. Thomas Allen, " The 
Fighting Parson," who led 250 of his con- 
gregation to the battle of Bennington and, 
tradition says, fired the first shot at the 
enemy. 
Ancestor : Eev. Thomas Allen. 

Smith, Thomas J., Bridgeton, 212. 

Sept. 20th, 1892. 
Great-grandson of William Smith, Lieut, in 
Col. Silas Newcomb's Battalion, Heard's 
Brigade, N. J. Militia ; also, Capt. in 2nd 
Battalion, Salem County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Capt. William Smith. 

Snedeker, Isaac S., Dayton, 192. 

Nov. 24th, 1891. 

Great-grandson of Garret Snedeker, Private in 
Middlesex County, N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-grandson of John Bergen, Private 
in Captain Samuel Stout's Company, 3rd 
Eegiment, Middlesex County, N. J. Mili- 
tia. 

Ancestors : Garret Snedeker and John Ber- 
gen. 

Spader, Peter Vanderbilt, New Brunswick, 116. 
May 23rd, 1890. 
Great-grandson of Abraham Quick, Col. of 2nd 
Battalion, Somerset County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Abraham Quick. 

Spencer, Bird W., Passaic, 251. 

March 20th, 1893. 

Great-grandson of Jesse Emes, Captain in Fra- 

mington Company of Mass. Militia, called 

out at "Lexington Alarm " ; also, Captain 



372 



of 6th Company, 5th Regiment, Mass. Mi- 
litia. 
Ancestor : Jesse Emes. 

Sterling, Edward Boker, Trenton, 197. 

Nov. 24th, 1891. 
Great-grandson of James Sterling, Member of 
the Committee of Observation, City and 
County of Burlington, N. J. ; also, 2nd Ma- 
jor, 1st Regiment, Burlington County, N. 
J. Militia. 
Ancestor : James Sterling. 

Stillman, William M., Plainfield, 123. 

May 23rd, 1890. 

Great-grandson of Jesse Starr, Private in Cap- 
tain Abel Spicer's Company, 6th Regi- 
ment, Conn. Continental Line ; Corporal 
in Captain Isaac Gallup's Company, 10th 
Regiment, Continental Line ; Sergeant in 
Captain Thomas Wooster's Company, Col. 
Webb's additional Regiment, Conn. Conti- 
nental Line. 

Also, great -great-grandson of Vine Starr, Pri- 
vate in Captain Joseph Gallup's Company, 
8th Regiment, Conn. Militia ; Private in 
Capt. Eliphaz Kingsley's Company, Bald- 
win's Regiment of Artificers, Conn. Army. 

Ancestors : Jesse Starr and Vine Starr. 

Stites, Col. Richard Montgomery, Morristown, 88. 
Dec. 26th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Richard Stites, Captain 1st 
Battalion, Somerset County, N. J. Militia ; 
Captain of Col. Hunt's Battalion, Heard's 
Brigade, Greene's Division ; severely woun- 
ded at the battle of Long Island, Aug. 27, 
1776 ; died of wounds Sept. 16, 1776. 
Ancestor : Richard Stites. 



373 

Stryker, Gen. William Scudder, Trenton, 3. 
April 20th, 1889. 

Great-grandson of Amos Scadder, Ensign of 
Captain John Mott's Company, 1st Regi- 
ment, Hunterdon County, N. J. Militia ; 
guided General Washington and his Troops 
down the Pennington road to the victory, 
at Trenton. 

Also, collaterally connected with John Stryker, 
Captain of Light Horse, N. J. State Troops, 
the distinguished partisan trooper. 

Also, great-grand-nephew of William Scudder, 
Lieut. Col. of the 3rd Regiment, Middlesex 
County, N. J. Militia, and of Nathaniel 
Scudder, Col. of the 1st Regiment, Mon- 
mouth County, N. J. Militia, the only Mem- 
ber of the Continental Congress who gave 
his life in battle for his country. 

Ancestor : Amos Scudder. 

Terry, Henry Taylor, East Orange, 75. 

Nov. 9th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Aaron Crane, Private in Es- 
sex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Aaron Crane. 
Thayer, Alfred Irving, M. D., Newark, 178. 
June 19th, 1891. 
Great-grandson of Christopher Thayer, Jr., 
Private in Capt. John Vinton's Company, 
Col. Benjamin Lincoln's Regiment, Mass. 
Militia. 
Also, great-grandson of Elias Hemenway, Pri- 
vate in Captain Simon Engel's Company, 
Col. Wylle's Regiment, Mass Militia ; Pri- 
vate in Captain Caleb Brooks's Company, 
Col. Nicholas Dike's Regiment, Mass. Mili- 
tia ; Corporal in 2nd Company, Col. Abner 
Berry's Regiment, Mass. Militia. 



374 



Ancestors : Christopher Thayer, Jr., and Elias 
Hemenway. 

Thomas, Robert McKean, Elizabeth, 171. 

June 19th, 1891. 

Great-grandson of Edward Thomas, Col. of 1st 
Regiment, Essex County, N. J. Militia ; 
also, Col. of Regiment of detached Militia, 
in Gen. Heard's Brigade, at the battle of 
Long Island. 

Also, great-grandson of Thomas McKean, Mem- 
ber of the Stamp Act Congress of 1765 ; 
Member of the Continental Congress from 
1774 to 1783, and President thereof in 1781; 
Signer of the Declaration of Independence 
from the State of Delaware ; Col. of the 
4th Battalion, Philadelphia Associators. 

Ancestors : Edward Thomas and Thomas 
McKean. 

Thomas, William Provost, Elizabeth, 166. 

April 3rd, 1891. 

Great-grandson of Edward Thomas, Col. of 1st 
Regiment of Essex County, N. J. Militia ; 
also, Col. of Regiment of detached Militia 
in Gen. Heard's Brigade, at the battle of 
Long Island. 

Also, great-grandson of Thomas McKean, 
Member of the Stamp Act Congress of 
1765 ; Member of the Continental Congress 
from 1774 to 1783 and President thereof in 
1781 ; Signer of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence from the State of Delaware ; Col. 
of 4th Battalion, Philadelphia Associators. 

Ancestors : Edward Thomas and Thomas Mc- 
Kean. 

Throckmorton, William Stevenson, Freehold, 53. 
Oct. 1st, 1889. 



375 



Great-grandson of James Throckmorton, Pri- 
vate in Capt. Waddell's Company, 1st Regi- 
ment, Monmouth County, N. J. Militia ; 
also, Private in Capt. Patterson's Com- 
pany, 3rd Battalion, 2nd Establishment, 
N. J. Continental Line. 

Also, great-great-grandson of Jonathan Rhea, 
Lieut, of 2nd Regiment, N. J. Continental 
Line ; Captain by brevet. 

Ancestors : James Throckmorton and Jona- 
than Rhea. 

Thurber, Orray Ernest, Newark, 112. 

April 17th, 1890. 

Great-great-grandson of Obadiah Seward, Capt. 
in 2nd Regiment, Sussex County, N. J. 
Militia. 

Also, great-great-great-grandson of John Sew- 
ard, Private in Capt. McMires's Company, 
1st Battalion, 1st Establishment of the N. 
J. Line ; was promoted to Lieut. ; was 
Capt. of the 2nd Regiment of Sussex 
Troops, made Lieut. Col. Feb. 28th, 1777, 
and later Colonel. 

Ancestors : Obadiah Seward and John Seward. 
Tillard, Henry Webster, Newark, 220. 

Dec. 13th, 1892. 

Great-grandson of Edward Tillard, Capt. of 
Col. Thomas Ewing's 3rd Battalion, Mary- 
land Continental Line ; also, Major of Col. 
Otto Holland Williams's 6th Battalion 
Maryland Continental Line ; afterward 
Lieut. Col. of said Battalion ; taken 
prisoner and sent to England for confine- 
ment. 

Ancestor : Edward Tillard. 



376 



Tillard, Eichard, Newark, 181. 

June 19th, 1891. 

Great-grandson of Edward Tillard, Capt. of 
Col. Thomas Ewing's 3rd Battalion, Mary- 
land Continental Line ; also, Major of Col. 
Otto Holland Williams's 6th Battalion, 
Maryland Continental Line ; afterward 
Lieut. Col. of said Battalion ; taken 
prisoner and sent to England for confine- 
ment. 

Ancestor : Edward Tillard. 

Timms, Walter Burnett, Elizabeth, 200. 

Nov. 21th, 1891. 

Great- great-great-grandson of Thomas Ball, 

Private in Capt. Isaac Gillam's Company, 

N. J. State Troops. 

Also, great-great-grandson of Abner Ball, 

Private in Essex County., N. J. Militia. 
Ancestors : Thomas Ball and Abner Ball. 

Tuttle, William Parkhurst, Madison, 271. 

Nov. 21st, 1S93. 
Great-great-grandson of Daniel Tuttle, Private 

in Morris County, N. J. Militia. 
Also, great-grandson of Nathaniel Camp, Cap- 
tain of Second Regiment, Essex County, 
N. J. Militia. 
Ancestors : Daniel Tuttle and Capt. Nathaniel 
Camp. 

Vanderpool, Eugene, Newark, 207. 

March 30th, 1892. 
Great-grandson of David Chambers, Col. 3rd 
Regiment, Hunterdon County, N. J. 
Militia; Col. of Battalion of N. J. State 
Troops ; Col. 2nd Regiment, Hunterdon 
County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : David Chambers. 



377 

Vandyke, Henry Leffler Rice, Metuchen, 47. 
Oct. 1st, 1889. 
Grandson of Matthew VanDyck, Private in 
Captain Longstreet's Company, 3rd Regi- 
ment, Middlesex County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Matthew VanDyck. 

Voorhees, Chas. H., M. D., New Brunswick, 141. 

Nov. 17th, 1890. 
Grandson of David Voorhees, Private in Som- 
erset County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : David Voorhees. 

Voorhees, John Schenck, New Brunswick, 137. 
Aug. 5th, 1890. 
Great-grandson of John Schenck, Capt. 2nd 
Regiment, Hunterdon County, N. J. Mili- 
tia. 
Ancestor : Capt. John Schenck. 

Walker, DeLancey G., Burlington, 206. 

March 30th, 1892. 
Great-grandson of Ebenezer Greenough, Pri- 
vate in Haverhill Company of Artillery, 
Mass. Militia ; served as one of the Guard 
of British prisoners from Saratoga battle- 
field to Cambridge, Mass. 
Ancestor : Ebenezer Greenough. 

Wetmore, John Chetwood, Elizabeth, 157. 

April 3rd, 1891. 

Great-grandson of Francis Barber, Lieut. Col. 
Commandant, 3rd Regiment, Continental 
Line ; Sub-Inspector General, Staff of Gen. 
Steuben, Adjt. Gen. to Gen. Lord Sterling, 
afterward to Gen. Sullivan ; Dept. Adjt. 
Gen. to Gen. Greene. 

Also, great-grandson of John Chetwood, mem- 
ber of Essex County, N. J. Committee of 



378 



Correspondence ; Member of Provincial 
Congress of N. J. 
Ancestors : Francis Barber and John Chet- 
wood. 

Wheeler, Holmes Augustus, Freehold, 43. 

Oct. 1st, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Stout Holmes, Private in 

Monmouth County, N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : Stout Holmes. 

Whitehead, Isaac Prall, M. D., Westfield, 279. 
Dec. 1893. 
Grandson of Aaron Whitehead, Private Morris 

County, N. J. State Troops. 
Ancestor : Aaron Whitehead. 

Whitehead, Hon. John, Morristown, 71. 

Nov. 9th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Jonathan Condit, Capt. 2nd 

Regiment, Essex County, N. J. Militia. 
Also, great-grandson of Onesimus Whitehead, 
Private Morris County, N. J. State Troops. 
Ancestors : Capt. Jonathan Condit and Onesi- 
mus Whitehead. 

Williams, Edgar, Orange, 105. 

March 1st, 1890. 
Great-grandson of John Condit, Surgeon of 
Col. Van Courtland's Battalion, Heard's 
Brigade, N. J. Militia, at the battle of Long 
Island ; also, Surgeon of Essex County, 
N. J. Militia. 
Ancestor : John Condit. 

Williams, Thomas Wright, Newark, 259. 

May 20th, 1893. 

Great-grandson of John Van Tassel, Private in 

Capt. Israel Smith's, 4th Company, 4th 

Regiment, N. Y. Continental Line, Col. 

Henry B. Livingston, commanding ; also, 



379 



Private in Capt. George Comb's Company 
and afterward in Capt. Daniel Hartling's 
Company, 1st Eegiment, Westchester 
County, N. Y. Militia, Lieut. Col. James 
Hammond commanding. 
Ancestor : John Van Tassel. 

Williamson, Cornelius Tunis, Newark, 195. 

Nov. 24th, 1891. 
Great-grandson of Denise Denise, 1st Major, 
3rd Battalion, Monmouth County, N. J. 
Militia. 
Ancestor : Denise Denise. 

Wilson, Orson, Newark, 127. 

Grandson of Joseph Wilson, Private in Green 

County, N. Y. Militia. 
Ancestor : Joseph Wilson. 

Wood, Edward M., Elizabeth, 158. 

April 3rd, 1891. 

Great-grandson of Jonathan Dayton, Major 
and Aide-de-Camp on the Staff of Maj. 
Gen. Sullivan ; Capt. of the 3rd Eegiment, 
N. J. Continental Line ; made prisoner of 
war at Connecticut Farms, N. J., Nov. 4th, 
1780 ; Member of Convention that adopted 
the Constitution of the United States. 

Also, great-great-grandson of Elias Dayton, 
Brig. Gen. of the N. J. Continental Line ; 
took part in all the battles in which the 
Continental Line was engaged ; also Col. 
of N. J. Militia. 

Also, great-great-grandson of Oliver Spencer, 
Col. of "Spencer's Regiment," Continen- 
tal Armv. 

Ancestors : Jonathan Dayton, Elias Dayton, 
and Oliver Spencer. 



380 



Wood, Isaac Trumbull, Trenton, 180. 

June 19th, 1891. 
Great-grandson of Hezekiah Welles, Ensign of 
Capt. Jonathan Hales's 6th Company, Col. 
Erastus Wolcott's Conn. State Regiment ; 
also, 2d Lieut, of Capt. Simeon Wolcott's 
6th Company, Col. Fisher Gay's 2nd Batta- 
lion, Wadsworth's Brigade, Conn. State 
Troops ; also, Capt. of 6th Conn. Militia, 
in 1777 and Capt. of Conn. Militia, in 1779, 
in New Haven Alarm. 
Ancestor : Hezekiah Welles. 

Woodruff, Anthony J., Plainfield, 244. 

Jan. 30th, 1893. 
Great-grandson of Ichabod Woodruff, Private 
in Capt. Isaac Morrison's Company, 1st 
Battalion, 2nd Establishment, N. J. Con- 
tinental Line ; also, Private in Capt. Aaron 
Ogden's Company, 1st Regiment, N. J. 
Continental Line ; took part in the battles 
of Springfield and Yorktown. 
Ancestor : Ichabod Woodruff. 
Woodruff, George, Trenton, 90. 

Dec. 26th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of Elias Woodruff, Commissary 

of Military Stores in New Jersey. 
Ancestor : Elias Woodruff. 

Woodruff, Hiram A., Trenton, 245. 

Jan. 30th, 1893. 

Great-grandson of Ichabod Woodruff, Private 
in Captain Isaac Morrison's Company, 1st 
Battalion, 2nd Establishment, N. J. Conti- 
nental Line ; also, Private in Capt. Aaron 
Ogden's Company, 1st Regiment, N. J. 
Continental Line ; took part in the battles 
of Springfield and Yorktown. 

Ancestor : Ichabod Woodruff. 



381 



Wylie, George Sandford, Morristowu, 11. 

April 20th, 1889. 

Great-grandson of Samuel Hicks, Private in 
1st Battalion, 2nd Establishment, N. J. 
Continental Line ; also, Private in Captain 
Scudder's 1st Regiment, Essex County, N. 
J. Militia ; also, Private in N. J. State 
Troops. 

Also, great-great-grandson of John Miles, 1st 
Lieut, in Col. Lamb's Regiment, Continen- 
tal Artillery. 

Ancestors : Samuel Hicks and John Miles. 

Yard, James Sterling, Freehold, 39. 

June 10th, 1889. 
Great-grandson of James Sterling, Major 1st 
Regiment, Burlington County, N. J. Mili- 
tia. 
Ancestor : Major James Sterling. 

Yard, William S., Trenton, 84. 

Dec. 26th, 1889. 

Great-grandson of Benjamin Yard, gun-maker 
of Trenton, who furnished muskets for the 
Continental Army. 

Also, grandson of Jacob Brinley, Private in 
Captain Walton's Troop of Light Dragoons, 
Monmouth County, N. J. Militia. 

Ancestors : Benjamin Yard and Jacob Brin- 
ley. 



IN MEMORIAM. 




Baker, Daniel William, 




Died August 2nd, 


1891. 


Crowell, Joseph Tucker, 




Died September 22nd, 


1891. 


Edgar, Howard, 




Died January 18th, 


1893. 


Fairchild, Henry Ennis, 




Died September 12th, 


1891. 


Hageman, Jr., John Frelinghuysen, 




Died July 1st, 


1893. 


Hoffman, Joseph Reed, M. D., 




Died December 11th, 


1893. 


Myer, Benjamin, 




Died August 10th, 


1892. 


Osborn, Frederick Allen, 




Died June 2nd, 


1893. 


Smalley, Andrew A., 




« Died January 8th, 


1893. 


Spader, Peter Vanderbilt, 




Died August 4th, 


1890. 



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